Saturday 14 October 2017

Crisis De Divisas De 1991 En La India


7 razones por las que la India está mirando una crisis monetaria


En mi columna anterior. Cuando la rupia se negociaba a 65 contra el dólar de los EE. UU. que había escrito acerca de cómo la rupia podría llegar a 70 frente al dólar en un futuro próximo y por qué la rupia se ha depreciado tanto recientemente.


La economía de la India se encuentra en una posición peligrosa hoy y la situación puede espiral fuera de control. De cómo hacerlo.


Un déficit en cuenta corriente ocurre cuando un país está importando más bienes y servicios de lo que está exportando (si lo contrario era cierto, estaría en un superávit). El déficit en cuenta corriente de India ha explotado 1125 por ciento desde 2007, pasando de $ 8 mil millones a $ 90 mil millones. En otras palabras, India está importando $ 90 mil millones más de lo que está exportando.


Sin embargo, en 2007, la India tenía 300.000 millones de dólares en reservas de divisas. Podría cubrir su déficit de cuenta corriente 37,5 veces más. En la actualidad, las reservas de divisas de India se han reducido a 275 mil millones de dólares: sólo puede cubrir su déficit por cuenta corriente 3 veces.


El déficit de la cuenta corriente de India ha crecido constantemente a lo largo de los últimos 5 años: no sólo aumentó de un día a otro. Puesto que muchos de los países que comercian con la India sólo aceptan divisas a cambio (principalmente el dólar), parecería obvio que la India mantendrá continuamente un arsenal creciente de reservas de divisas a través de los años; Por desgracia, la India no hizo eso. No es de extrañar que el primer ministro Manmohan Singh intentara tranquilizar al país que a diferencia de 1991, cuando "el país sólo tenía reservas de divisas para 15 días de importaciones, ahora tenemos reservas para siete meses". 7 meses antes de que nos quedemos sin reservas? Eso apenas suena tranquilizador. (También se lee. PM resalta el lado brillante de la ruptura)


Aquí es donde la situación puede comenzar a sonar grave. La economía estadounidense, 5 años después de la crisis financiera de 2008, está empezando a hacer emerger la economía. Cuando la economía de un país está creciendo, las tasas de interés comienzan a subir, y el país empieza a imprimir menos dinero de lo requerido. Ahora estamos sentados en una situación peligrosa donde, no sólo la depreciación de la rupia pesadamente contra el dólar, pero la oferta de dólares es probable que se contraigan en los próximos meses. Hicimos hincapié en la necesidad de dólares de EE. UU. con el fin de mantener el déficit de la cuenta de divisas en jaque. Esto pone una carga adicional sobre la rupia.


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Además, estarán en juego dos factores adicionales. En primer lugar, el empuje en las tasas de interés en los Estados Unidos y en el extranjero crea mayores incentivos para los inversores internacionales para invertir en el extranjero frente a la India. Ya se está sintiendo el impacto. Desde marzo de este año, las reservas de divisas ya han caído en $ 14 mil millones debido a los inversores optan por invertir en los EE. UU. y otros países frente a la India.


En segundo lugar, es importante señalar que un déficit en cuenta corriente no puede ser etiquetado como "malo" simplemente porque no es un superávit de cuenta corriente. Después de todo, la mayoría de los países desarrollados tienen altos déficit en cuenta corriente. Un déficit de cuenta corriente elevado puede ser necesario si un país está creciendo y requiere que las importaciones estimulen el crecimiento. Una manera de medir la salud de un déficit en cuenta corriente es compararlo con el PIB del país. Los estudios académicos sugieren que un déficit en cuenta corriente que es el 2,5 por ciento del PIB de un país es sostenible.


Lo que hace que la situación de India sea peligrosa es que actualmente está en casi el 5 por ciento de su PIB. Además, los economistas encuestados en todo el mundo esperan que el PIB de la India caiga aún más este año fiscal.


Qué significa todo esto? En última instancia, la fe que el mercado coloca en su economía es lo que le da tranquilidad. Sentimientos corren el mercado. ¿Cuáles son los signos actuales que apuntan?


El debilitamiento adicional de la rupia debido a una menor oferta de dólares y mayores tasas de interés en el extranjero.


Los economistas predijeron un PIB más bajo para el año fiscal actual, una señal desastrosa ya que acabamos de presenciar un descenso del PIB del 6,2% al 5% desde el último año fiscal hasta el año fiscal actual.


3. Déficit de cuenta corriente


Un nuevo aumento en el déficit de la cuenta corriente de India.


El gobierno señala que dentro de meses podría quedar sin reservas extranjeras.


$ 170 mil millones en deuda a corto plazo a pagar, mientras que en 2008 fue sólo $ 80 mil millones.


De mayo a agosto de 2013, las inversiones de FII en la India han disminuido en $ 2 mil millones.


Tanto el sector privado como el público se mantienen claros en las estrategias de inversión hasta las elecciones del próximo año.


Al tener todo esto en cuenta, requerirá un esfuerzo heroico por parte del recién nombrado gobernador de RBI, Raghuram Rajan, para evitar que se desarrolle una crisis monetaria.


Raghu Kumar es el co-fundador de RKSV, una compañía de corretaje. Las opiniones expresadas aquí son las opiniones personales del autor. NDTV no es responsable de la exactitud, integridad, idoneidad o validez de cualquier información dada aquí. Toda la información se proporciona en forma tal cual. La información, los hechos o las opiniones que aparecen en el blog no reflejan las opiniones de NDTV y NDTV no asume ninguna responsabilidad ni responsabilidad por el mismo.


Historia publicada por primera vez: 31 de agosto de 2013 13:47 IST


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¿Tiene la economía india una sensación de crisis de 1991?


La abrupta caída de la rupia a más de 55 por dólar, un déficit de la cuenta corriente del 4% del PIB, las reformas estancadas, el liderazgo político débil y una economía global cojeando, no es de extrañar que la crisis de 1991 se paralelice.


Pero hablar de 1991 puede ser exagerado, al menos por ahora. "Somos una economía mucho mejor y más resistente que en 1991", dice Jamal Mecklai, director ejecutivo de Mecklai Financial, una firma de consultoría de riesgo de divisas.


¿Cuentan los números la historia?


A primera vista, algunos grandes números causan alarma. El déficit en cuenta corriente de la India en 1991 fue del 3% del PIB, hoy está en el 4%. El déficit fiscal en 1991 era casi 8% del PIB y eso era sólo para el gobierno central. El déficit actual es un poco más bajo que el 6%, mejor que 1991, pero apenas cómodo.


Sin embargo, "la situación actual es mucho mejor ya que la economía es mucho más competitiva ahora con mayores tasas de crecimiento", dice Indranil Sengupta, economista jefe de la India, Bank of America Merrill Lynch. "Las reservas de divisas también son mucho más altas, así que tenemos un cojín". En el 91, las reservas cubrían sólo dos semanas de importaciones. Pueden cubrir las importaciones desde hace seis meses.


Y como señala Shashanka Bhide, del Consejo Nacional de Investigación Económica Aplicada: "En 1991, estábamos en una fase en que estábamos endureciendo la política monetaria elevando las tasas de interés debido a una inflación muy alta, pero ahora hemos empezado a aflojar la política monetaria, es decir, Pico puede haber pasado. " Pero está más allá de los números macro que los cambios reales han sucedido. Uno de los mayores cambios ha sido en el sistema bancario, crítico para la salud de la economía en general.


Sengupta dice: "El sistema bancario es mucho más grande y fuerte y los problemas son más direccionables". En 1991, los bancos no estaban sujetos a nada como el nivel de revelaciones que son obligatorias ahora. Incluso en la economía en general, ha habido cambios bruscos. "En comparación con 1991, tenemos una infraestructura mucho mejor para que podamos hacer los ajustes necesarios en la economía de manera más eficiente", dice Bhide.


El mes pasado, en una mesa redonda (a la que asistió el primer ministro, Manmohan Singh, quien era ministro de Finanzas en el '91), el gobernador de la RBI, D Subbarao, señaló números macro que se aproximaban a los '91 niveles. "Ese es un panorama bastante inquietante", dijo (según cita Reuters). "Sin embargo, todavía diría que en 1991 una implosión era inminente, en 2012, una implosión no lo es".


¿Necesitamos una crisis?


Irónicamente, como muchos observadores señalan, es esta falta de una crisis que ha reforzado la inercia política. "Los gobiernos sólo toman medidas cuando tienen la espalda contra la pared", dice Mecklai. "No estamos en esa situación hoy."


"Cuando iniciamos el proceso de reforma en 1991, hubo mucho entusiasmo y también presión externa y el gobierno fue capaz de llevar a cabo reformas rápidamente", dice Govind Rao, director del Instituto Nacional de Finanzas Públicas y Política. "Pero en la situación actual, parece que con un gobierno de coalición, no es tan fácil llevar a cabo reformas importantes, como introducir reformas en el mercado minorista y en el mercado de trabajo".


A pesar de que la economía nacional está en mejor forma, es el estado de la economía global lo que preocupa, especialmente para una economía más integrada e influenciada por los ciclos económicos fuera de sus fronteras de lo que era hace 20 años.


"El ambiente externo es débil comparado con 1991 y los precios de las materias primas son por lo tanto relativamente más débiles [excepto petróleo] que en 1991," dice Bhide. Y para una economía más dependiente de la fuerte demanda de exportación del mundo desarrollado ahora que en 1991, eso es preocupante.


¿Suficiente en el Kitty?


Tomemos la "suficiencia" de las reservas de divisas, por ejemplo. Actualmente, la India tiene suficiente para pagar seis meses de importaciones, en comparación con dos semanas en 1991. Pero esto no es una comparación relevante, ya que la balanza de pagos de India está profundamente afectada por las inversiones extranjeras, que eran bajas hace 20 años. Y como señaló Subbarao, la deuda externa a corto plazo como porcentaje del total es el doble del nivel que tenía en 1991.


Y "sentimiento" todavía puede causar estragos. India estaba en mucho mejor forma macroeconómica en la víspera de la crisis de 2008 de lo que era ahora. Pero eso no impidió que el dinero de los inversionistas se inundara de la India, y como lo hicieron, las reservas se erosionaron por $ 60 mil millones entre abril y noviembre de 2008 durante el apogeo de la crisis.


Incluso si la India es estructuralmente una economía mejor en 2012 que en 1991, que puede ser un pequeño consuelo para todos los afectados por lo que podría suceder durante los próximos meses. El cambiador rápido de juegos será una acción política firme antes de la crisis. Si eso sucede, ya no se sentirá como 1991.


Las preocupaciones sobre la crisis de BoP de 1991 exageraron: Standard Chartered


(Según StanChart & hellip;)


NUEVA DELHI: Standard Chartered redujo hoy el pronóstico de crecimiento de la India para el año fiscal actual a un 4,7 por ciento desde un 5,5 por ciento anterior, citando "riesgos al alza" a la inflación y al déficit fiscal.


De acuerdo con los servicios financieros mundiales principales, una fuerte debilidad en el valor de la rupia está empezando a pesar sobre la economía de la India. Como se refleja en la depresión de la actividad industrial y el repunte de la inflación de julio en el IPM.


"Revisamos nuestro pronóstico de crecimiento del PIB para el FY'14 al 4,7 por ciento desde el 5,5 por ciento", dijo Standard Chartered en una nota de investigación de hoy.


Los dos factores han impulsado esta revisión a la baja, primero es la debilidad de la actividad industrial y el segundo factor es que la actividad industrial más lenta es probable que siga pesando en el sector de servicios.


En el primer trimestre de 2004, el índice de producción industrial (PII) se contrajo un 1 por ciento, frente al crecimiento del 2 por ciento en el cuarto trimestre de 2004. Un repunte agudo en este espacio parece "improbable" ante las recientes pérdidas cambiarias, las tasas de interés más altas y el sentimiento débil, dijo Standard Chartered.


Con respecto a la desaceleración en el sector de servicios, el informe dijo: "Las suscripciones de telecomunicaciones y los servicios PMI, ya reflejan esto, esperamos que se vuelva más amplia a medida que avanza el año".


Standard Chartered opina que las preocupaciones por la crisis de la balanza de pagos (BoP) de 1991 son exageradas. "El déficit de la cuenta corriente de la India (C / A) se está estrechando, esperamos que esto, junto con una pausa en el rally de USD, empuje al USD-INR más bajo en el cuarto trimestre, aunque las preocupaciones electorales permanezcan en segundo plano".


El banco tiene una perspectiva positiva en la cuenta corriente. "El déficit comercial se redujo a $ 12.2 mil millones en julio de $ 20 mil millones en mayo y es probable que mejore más en el corto plazo", dijo el banco.


"Las importaciones de oro y plata han disminuido sustancialmente a raíz de los incrementos de los derechos de importación y de restricciones de importación más estrictas, y las exportaciones deberían beneficiarse de la recuperación del crecimiento mundial, lo que probablemente reducirá el déficit de la cuenta corriente al 4% En FY13 ", agregó.


Si bien es probable que los riesgos de financiamiento persistan en el futuro cercano debido a las salidas de capital, el banco espera que las entradas se reanuden con el tiempo.


Según el informe, el monzón favorable, el gasto relacionado con las elecciones y un mejor crecimiento global en la segunda mitad del actual ejercicio financiero deberían proporcionar cierto apoyo, pero "el alto apalancamiento, las altas tasas de interés y la incertidumbre política siguen siendo fuertes".


"Dado que el gobierno ha enfatizado repetidamente su intención de adherirse al objetivo fiscal, no se puede descartar una subida extraordinaria de los precios del gasóleo o una reducción de otros gastos para acomodar la mayor carga de los subsidios", dijo Standard Chartered.


El crecimiento económico del país alcanzó una baja del 5 por ciento en el último año fiscal debido al mal desempeño en los sectores agrícola, manufacturero y minero.


El Banco Central, en su Revisión del Primer Trimestre de la Política Monetaria el 30 de julio, había reducido la proyección de crecimiento para 2013-14 a 5.5 por ciento de una estimación anterior de 5.7 por ciento. El gobierno en febrero había proyectado un crecimiento del 6.5 por ciento para 2013-14. (Con entradas de PTI)


318.9k Vistas y toro; Actualizado por Akshay Vaishnav. Sólo un otro indio. Devanand Shenoy. Orgulloso indio, que ha pasado toda su vida en la India. Biswa Jyoti. Ciudadano de la República de la India


1. La mayoría de los países del mundo dependen de la economía mundial para una amplia variedad de cosas. Para la India, dependemos de Asia Occidental para nuestro petróleo, Sudáfrica para nuestro oro, EE. UU. para nuestra tecnología, el sureste de Asia para el aceite vegetal, etc Para comprar estos artículos del mercado mundial, necesitamos dólares de EE. UU. - la moneda mundial del comercio . La única manera de ganar dinero es vendiendo lo suficiente de nuestras cosas en la economía global (exportaciones).


Desde 1960, la India dependía de la Unión Soviética para nuestras exportaciones, ya que no pudimos desarrollar buenas relaciones económicas con Estados Unidos y Europa Occidental. Fue una buena marcha por un tiempo (India y los soviéticos) hasta que el proverbial sh * t comenzó a golpear al ventilador. A finales de la década de 1980, la Unión Soviética comenzó a agrietarse y en 1991 se dividieron en 15 naciones (Rusia, Kazajstán, Ucrania, etc.). Ahora, la India tenía un problema importante porque nuestro principal comprador estaba en agitación. Las exportaciones bajaron significativamente. Disolución de la Unión Soviética


2. Mientras tanto, había este tipo Saddam Hussein que tuvo su desgracia en Kuwait en 1990. Esto llevó a EE. UU. a la guerra con Irak a principios de 1991. Los campos de petróleo comenzaron a quemarse y los barcos encontraron difícil alcanzar el Golfo Pérsico. Irak y Kuwait eran nuestros grandes proveedores de petróleo. La guerra llevó a la destrucción de nuestras importaciones de petróleo y los precios subieron sustancialmente, duplicándose en pocos meses. Guerra del Golfo y choque del precio del petróleo en 1990.


3. A finales de la década de 1980 el sistema político de India estaba implosionando. El primer ministro Rajiv Gandhi estuvo involucrado en una serie de problemas - el escándalo Bofors. Un caso de Shah Bano que eventualmente condujo a su derrocamiento en 1989. Lo que siguió fueron dos líderes más terribles que eran tan inestables como incompetentes. Esto tuvo un efecto enorme en la economía india que fue totalmente olvidado en la crisis política. En 1991 este gobierno se interrumpió. Hasta que Narasimha Rao fue juramentado como primer ministro en 1991, la economía india se quedó en el abandono grosero.


------------------------- ------------ Así, 1991 fue el año de la tormenta perfecta. Esta triple crisis llevó a la India de rodillas. Por un lado, nuestro principal comprador se ha ido. Por otro lado, nuestros vendedores primarios estaban en guerra. En el medio, nuestra producción fue efectivamente detenida por la crisis política. Nos quedábamos sin dinero para comprar artículos esenciales como crudo y comida del resto del mundo. Esto se denomina un & quot; Crisis de la balanza de pagos & quot; - lo que significa que la India no pudo equilibrar sus cuentas - las exportaciones fueron significativamente menores que las importaciones.


Puesto que, no teníamos muchos dólares, fuimos y rogamos al FMI - la tienda de empeño del mundo. Ellos nos pidieron que prometamos nuestras reservas de oro a cambio del préstamo interino de $ 3.9 mil millones (una suma enorme para la India entonces) al igual que los prestamistas del vecindario pedir nuestro oro cuando queremos un préstamo de emergencia. Tomamos 67 toneladas de nuestro oro en dos aviones - uno a Londres y otro a Suiza para obtener esta asistencia. La historia de la India sobre la crisis


Un estímulo fiscal es necesario & # 039; India tuvo que mover físicamente el oro de la India, en el extranjero. Me informaron, por fuentes muy, muy confiables, que la furgoneta que tomaba el oro al aeropuerto se rompió, y había pánico total.


India comenzó su "liberalización" Cuando Rao se convirtió en nuestro Primer Ministro el 21 de junio de 1991. Esencialmente, fue la destrucción de algunas de las políticas idiota que Nehru y su familia pusieron en marcha en nuestro país (lo siento, no puedo resistir una excavación en Nehru). Licencia Raj


Eliminamos muchas de las restricciones a la importación. Hasta 1991, impusimos un arancel aduanero del 400% sobre muchos productos. Las industrias tuvieron que mendigar para obtener un ingrediente esencial importado. En 1991, los derechos sobre muchos productos se redujeron sustancialmente. Esto trajo un nuevo crecimiento en nuestras industrias.


Se suprimió la licencia de importación. Hasta 1991, usted necesita una licencia para importar cualquier cosa y esta licencia fue muy difícil de conseguir.


El gobierno eliminó las licencias de producción en muchas industrias. Hasta 1991, necesitaba el permiso del gobierno para producir y producir. De un golpe, la restricción se eliminó en muchas industrias.


Rao puso la economía doméstica de nuevo en pista con dos estrellas - Montek Singh y Manmohan Singh. Se dieron grandes incentivos a nuestras industrias locales. Las reglas del mercado de valores estaban relajadas.


Manmohan abolió el contrabando de oro & quot; (Recuerda las películas de Bollywood de los años 80?) De una sola vez. Permitió que los expatriados indios trajeran 5 kilos de oro sin ellos. Ahora, nadie tenía una razón para contrabandear oro & amp; electrónica.


Singh y Rao permitieron a los inversionistas extranjeros venir. Hasta entonces la India estaba viviendo en la paranoia de la compañía de las Indias Orientales. Muchos sectores se abrieron para la inversión extranjera y la colaboración. Ahora, empresas como Coke y Nike podrían entrar. De repente, la Bolsa de Bombay encontró una vida.


El gobierno comenzó a vender algunos de sus negocios al sector privado. Esto trajo efectivo y nueva ronda de eficiencia.


En resumen, la liberalización en el contexto de la India significó un retorno del sentido común que era difícil de encontrar en nuestros círculos económicos desde 1947. Acabamos de eliminar algunas de las reglas. Todavía hay un largo camino por recorrer.


Otras respuestas han resumido todo realmente bien, pero aquí permítame concentrarme en cómo llegamos a esta situación particular en 1991.


Dejame empezar por el principio. Mi respuesta comenzará en 1944 y culminará en 1991.


Las políticas están enmarcadas para lograr un fin. Las políticas industriales indias están enmarcadas para obtener un crecimiento económico más rápido a través de la rápida industrialización y hacer que la economía sea autosuficiente como un fin.


El sector industrial del país estaba en crisis en el momento de la independencia, ya que no fue promovido sino descuidado durante los dos siglos del Raj británico. Sus políticas explotadoras enmarcadas para servir a los intereses de su patria fueron la causa principal de la falta de industrialización en la India.


La India era el proveedor de materias primas y el consumidor de los bienes británicos. El deseo de los indios de industrializarse puede ser visto desde la perspectiva de la formación del Plan de Bombay en 1944, que fue el primer esfuerzo de industrias prominentes del país para dar forma a la política industrial del país mediante el énfasis en las industrias pesadas.


Basándose en el plan de Bombay. El primer paso concreto hacia la industrialización fue tomado en forma de la Resolución de la política industrial 1948. Estableció amplios contornos para la estrategia de industrialización. El objetivo básico era sentar las bases de una economía mixta en la que tanto el sector público como el privado desempeñaran un papel importante en el desarrollo industrial.


Pero para asegurar el desarrollo según el plan y la inclinación de Pandit Nehru hacia el gobierno del socialismo fabiano impuso regulaciones pesadas al sector privado bajo la forma de licenciar. Por lo tanto, dar un papel más importante para el sector público.


La Ley Industrial (Desarrollo y Regulación) de 1951 proporcionó los dientes necesarios al gobierno para imponer tales restricciones. Esto abrió el camino para la Resolución de Política Industrial 1956, que introdujo las licencias de patentes y en verdad fue la primera declaración comprensiva sobre la estrategia para el desarrollo industrial en la India.


La Resolución de la Política Industrial de 1956 fue moldeada por el modelo de crecimiento de Mahalanobis, el cual enfatizó el papel de las industrias pesadas en el crecimiento a largo plazo. Las resoluciones ampliaron el alcance del sector público con el objetivo básico de acelerar el crecimiento económico e impulsar el proceso de industrialización.


La política también apuntaba a reducir las disparidades regionales mediante el desarrollo de una base industrial amplia y dando impulso a las industrias de pequeña escala y las industrias artesanales, ya que tenían un enorme potencial para proporcionar empleo en masa. La política se mantuvo en línea con las creencias prevalentes de los tiempos, es decir, lograr la autosuficiencia. Pero la política se enfrentó a muchos fracasos en la implementación y como resultado logró exactamente lo contrario de lo que pretendía, es decir, las disparidades regionales y la concentración del poder económico.


De ahí que la comisión de investigación de los monopolios (MIC) se estableció en 1964 para revisar varios aspectos relacionados con la concentración del poder económico y el funcionamiento de las licencias industriales. El informe, al tiempo que enfatizaba que la economía planificada contribuyó al crecimiento de la industria culpó al sistema de licencias que permitió a las grandes casas comerciales obtener una proporción desproporcionadamente grande de licencias que había llevado a la prevención y exclusión de la capacidad.


Posteriormente, un comité de investigación de licencias Industriales aconsejó que las grandes casas industriales deben recibir licencias solamente para establecer industrias en sectores de inversión principal y pesada.


Además, con el fin de controlar la concentración del poder económico se introdujo la Ley de Prácticas Comerciales Monopolísticas y Restrictivas (MRTP). Las grandes industrias fueron designadas como empresas de MRTP y eran elegibles para participar en industrias que no estaban reservadas para el gobierno o industrias de pequeña escala.


La política de licencias industriales, así como la Política Industrial 1973, enfatizaron la necesidad de controlar la concentración de la riqueza y dieron importancia a las industrias de pequeña y mediana escala. Continuando con el favoritismo hacia las industrias de pequeña escala, la política industrial de 1977 dio un paso adelante al introducir centros industriales distritales para prestar apoyo a SSI.


También introduce la nueva categoría llamada SECTOR TINY y amplió considerablemente la lista de reserva de industrias de pequeña escala. Pero debido a choques exógenos (guerras) así como a disturbios internos (emergencia) ya problemas de implementación la política no tuvo un efecto significativo. La floreciente situación económica llevó a la formulación de la Política Industrial 1980, que sembró las semillas de la liberalización.


La política industrial de 1980 hizo hincapié en la promoción de la competencia en el mercado interior, la mejora técnica y la modernización de las industrias, así como la utilización óptima de la capacidad instalada para garantizar una mayor productividad, niveles de empleo más elevados, Anunciado para revivir la eficiencia de PSU junto con las disposiciones de expansión automática.


Las PSU fueron liberadas de una serie de restricciones y se les proporcionó una mayor autonomía. Se tomaron medidas importantes desregulando todas las industrias excepto las especificadas en la lista negativa. La «liberalización limitada» iniciada en 1980 llegó a su cumbre con un cambio de política histórico en 1991.


La política industrial 1991 estableció un cambio de paradigma en la evaluación de la política industrial y el desarrollo. Aumento del déficit fiscal y el déficit monetizado junto con las crisis financieras mundiales (guerra del Golfo, crisis del petróleo) jugó un papel importante en el inicio del nuevo capítulo en la historia de la política industrial y el crecimiento económico.


El objetivo de la política era mantener un crecimiento sostenido de la productividad, mejorar el empleo remunerado y lograr una utilización óptima de los recursos humanos. Para lograr la competitividad internacional y transformar a la India en un actor importante en la arena mundial ".


Claramente el enfoque de la política era desatender la industria del control burocrático.


Entre las reformas importantes que se lograron con esta política se encuentran:


Abolición de la concesión de licencias industriales para la mayoría de las industrias salvo algunas que eran importantes debido a las preocupaciones estratégicas y de seguridad y las cuestiones ambientales sociales.


Papel importante asignado a la IED. 51% de IED permitida en industrias pesadas e industrias tecnológicamente importantes.


Aprobación automática de acuerdos tecnológicos para la promoción de la tecnología y la contratación de experiencia en tecnología extranjera.


Reestructuración de PSU's para incrementar la productividad, evitar la dotación de personal, aumentar la tecnología y aumentar la tasa de retorno.


Desinversión de las PSU para aumentar los recursos y aumentar la participación privada.


La política se dio cuenta de que la intervención gubernamental en la decisión de inversión de las grandes empresas a través de la ley MRTP ha demostrado ser disuasivo para el crecimiento industrial. Por lo tanto, la política se centraba más en el control de las prácticas comerciales desleales y restrictivas. Se sustituyeron las disposiciones que restringían las fusiones, fusiones y adquisiciones.


Desde entonces, las reformas del GLP iniciadas en 1991 se han ampliado considerablemente.


Algunas de las medidas se mencionan a continuación.


La Comisión de Competencia de la India se estableció en 2002 con el fin de evitar que las prácticas tengan efectos negativos sobre la competencia en los mercados.


En 1997 se introdujo una nueva política industrial en el Nordeste para mitigar los desequilibrios regionales debidos al crecimiento económico.


Se centró en la desinversión de las PSU pasó de la venta de participación minoritaria a apuestas estratégicas.


Centrarse en el PP con el gobierno desempeñando un papel facilitador en lugar de un papel regulador.


Los límites de IED aumentaron en casi todos los sectores, incluyendo la defensa y las telecomunicaciones.


Conclusión


Es evidente, a partir de la evolución de la política industrial, que el papel gubernamental en el desarrollo ha sido extenso. El camino a seguir hacia el desarrollo industrial ha evolucionado con el tiempo. En las etapas iniciales se esforzó por tener una base indígena para la actividad económica. Trató de salvar al sector doméstico de las fluctuaciones extranjeras. Todavía no estábamos equipados.


Evitó que las industrias nacionales se sometieran a una competencia rigurosa y, por lo tanto, resultó en una baja eficiencia y limitó su capacidad para ampliar las oportunidades de empleo. El énfasis en la autosuficiencia y la falta de inversión en I + D fue un obstáculo para el desarrollo tecnológico y, por lo tanto, condujo a la producción de bienes de calidad inferior. La creencia de que los bienes extranjeros son superiores a los bienes indios sigue siendo frecuente hoy en día.


Dicho esto, debe tenerse en cuenta la condición del país después de dos siglos de explotación y una separación traumática antes de evaluar el progreso y el enfoque de la política industrial sucesiva.


La falta de habilidades empresariales, bajos niveles de alfabetización, mano de obra no calificada, ausencia de tecnología, etc. eran características importantes de la economía india antes de la independencia.


A la luz de esto, los planes y políticas desempeñaron un papel importante al consolidar una base sólida para las actuales políticas industriales.


Como dice el Dr. Manmohan Singh: "En una visión a largo plazo del desarrollo económico de la India durante las últimas cuatro décadas, estaba lejos de ser desastroso. Hemos logrado mucho en los primeros 40 años, que es una escala de tiempo muy corta, con una carga tan grande de población analfabeta y no calificada. La mediocridad del resultado se debió principalmente a los extraordinarios choques económicos de largo alcance sostenidos por la economía durante la década de 1965-1975 (Tres guerras).


T. N. Ninan, editor del Economic Times, un influyente diario, dijo: "Esta es la crisis económica más grave que hemos enfrentado. Nunca hemos tenido este tipo de problema de la deuda. La posición fiscal del gobierno nunca ha sido tan mala como lo es hoy. Habrá algo de demurring de críticos sobre un préstamo. Habrá alguna oposición. La izquierda se opondrá a este arreglo. Pero la mayoría de nosotros sabemos que la alternativa será mucho peor que aceptar un I. M.F. Préstamo. & Quot; Esto resume lo que India estaba pasando en ese momento. La economía estaba en un embrollo debido a los rápidos cambios en el gobierno, pasamos por gobiernos como bebidas frías en un caluroso día de verano. Cuatro gobiernos en dos años lograron crear una atmósfera frenética en los círculos financieros del país. El mismo artículo continúa mencionando cómo la India compró barriles de petróleo a un ritmo más alto debido a la guerra del Golfo Pérsico.


Ahora, en ese punto del tiempo, la valoración de la rupia india, la tasa a la que se negociaba con otras monedas fue a través de algo llamado como tipo de cambio vinculado en contraposición a la tasa determinada por el mercado que estamos siguiendo ahora. (Para más detalles sobre estos lea este artículo en el sitio de RBI: Reserve Bank of India.)


Ahora, el uso de este tipo de cambio vinculado produjo una cuestión de balanza de pagos a finales de los ochenta. Para entender esto, debemos profundizar en cómo exactamente la rupia fue valorada.


Como dice el artículo en el sitio de RBI, 1975,


Para asegurar la estabilidad de la rupia, y evitar las debilidades asociadas con una moneda única paridad, la rupia estaba vinculada a una cesta de monedas. La selección de moneda y la asignación de peso se dejaron a la discreción del RBI y no se anunció públicamente. Antes de esto, la rupia había sido valorada contra el oro (1947-1971), y luego la libra esterlina (1971-1975).


Para decirlo muy sencillamente, (y salir en una extremidad y ponerlo), el costo de una rupia se determinó en cuanto a las reservas de la moneda / oro que teníamos en el país.


Volviendo a la cuestión de la balanza de pagos. La balanza de pagos significa en términos simples el monto total de las transacciones financieras que el país tiene con el mundo exterior. Ahora, la crisis surge cuando un país no puede pagar las deudas (pagar las deudas) que debe, y / o pagar por las importaciones esenciales que realiza.


La aparición de este escenario, que tuvo lugar en la India en 1991, desencadena una serie de incidentes que sólo agravan el problema. Los inversores se aplazan por el creciente nivel de las deudas, el Gobierno comienza a agotar sus reservas de divisas, las monedas vinculadas a fin de apoyar el valor de su moneda nacional y así sucesivamente.


Para citar el artículo de NYTimes otra vez,


La deuda externa de India ha subido a unos 72.000 millones de dólares, convirtiéndose en el tercer mayor deudor del mundo después de Brasil y México. En 1980, su deuda externa ascendía a 20.500 millones de dólares. En el momento (enero de 1991), funcionarios occidentales dicen, la India tiene sólo $ 1.1 mil millones en sus reservas de moneda fuerte, suficiente para dos semanas de importaciones. Las cosas eran bastante serias como se puede imaginar.


Así, para abordar esta emergencia, la India se acercó al FMI o al Fondo Monetario Internacional, que se estableció con el objetivo básico de gestionar las monedas mundiales mediante la estabilización de los tipos de cambio y también mantuvo un fondo en el que contribuyeron los países participantes; Los mismos fondos podrían utilizarse para contrarrestar los problemas de la balanza de pagos, no muy diferente de lo que la India estaba enfrentando.


India approached the IMF for approximately $2.2 billion worth of loans, and as with all loans, it came with a rider.


An interesting history tidbit, forty-seven tons of gold pledged for the loan was airlifted to the United Kingdom to pledge it with the Bank of England and 20 tons to the Union Bank of Switzerland to raise $ 600 million. The van that was transporting gold to the airport broke down on the way.


India was told to allow foreign companies to enter it's market, do something about the License Raj in place since Independence, and embrace globalization.


India did just that, and the duo of P. V. Narasimha Rao. who took over from the incumbent Prime Minster Chandar Sekhar in June 1991, whose government collapsed due to the outflow of India's gold, and his finance minister Manmohan Singh brought about neo-liberal policies in place. (A few of the policies that IMF wanted were not implemented though.)


This article, Welcome to India in Business provides a quite simple worded overview of the reforms that happened in the Indian Economy.


Soon, Indian economy geared up and peaked at a growth rate of 9% in 2007-2008 and the forex reserves peaked at $314.61 billion at the end of May 2008.


12.8k Views • Upvoted by Balaji Viswanathan. MBA from Babson


Mr. Balaji Viswanathan has summed it up pretty well.


Basically, we had only two weeks of foreign exchange left. we were screwed.


Call this because of Nehru's conservative socialistic policies . his belief of making India completely self-sufficient (hardly possible in a world which is so inter-related and where we have to depend on each other), or because of the badly drafted Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, we had no money to import essential items that we could not have survived without.


Consider also, that we had not progressed as much as we should have because of the socialist policy that had been imposed on us by Nehru in the 50s. Even after his death, his daughter Indira did no better in repairing our relations on the international scene. We had a closed economy, we were trying to severely control the currency leaving the country, and investment by foreign entities in India was practically banned. We were on our own, foolishly believing that we could build a country that is self-sufficient, without any support from foreign nations. Also, Indira's imposition of national emergency and all the led upto it caused complete neglect of our economy. Her son didn't do any better. and by now the stringent laws in India has ensured that corruption had infiltrated our political system to its very roots. License Raj was now common. the government officials did not perform their duties without bribes. Not to mention. because of Nehru's socialistic policies, all of the important sectors in India were government owned. Because of that there was no competition from private companies, no incentive for these government units to work - most of them were sick and going in losses. Imagine what a condition we were in!


So two weeks of foreign exchange, and we had no choice but to run to IMF.


Everyone knows who really controlled the IMF back then. USA saw this as a chance for their MNCs to enter Indian markets, The choice before India was, take the loan. and succumb to our demands - open up your economies. With two weeks of FOREX, we were in no position to negotiate. We accepted their offer.


Our economy was now supposed to be liberalized, privatized and globalized.


We now allow foreign investments, and FERA has been replaced by FEMA. The government started disinvesting in all of the government owned companies, allowing private companies to take over. which significantly improved the situation. Also, we have partially globalized, but only partially not completely. In hindsight this was a good decision because it protected us from the South-East Asian Currency Crisis (1997-98) and to a certain extent from the Recession that hit the global economy in 2008.


India not headed for 1991-like crisis: PM


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Friday said India is not heading back to 1991-like balance of payment crisis, when the country was forced to pledge its gold to pay its import bills.


"There is no reason to believe that we are going down the hill and that 1991 is on the horizon," the prime minister said in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Parliament.


Manmohan Singh pointed out that India has around $280 billion of foreign exchange reserve, which is sufficient to finance nearly 7 months of imports.


In 1991, India's foreign exchange reserves had fallen to $3 billion, not enough even to cover three weeks' of imports. The country was forced to pledge its gold to pay its bills.


"We are not at that level. We will not go to that level," the Prime Minister said.


Indian Financial crisis of 1991


INDIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS OF 1991


A look at Indian economy as it faced one of its worst financial crisis since independence.


Introducción


In India, 1991 is known as the watershed year. This is the year when major steps were taken to liberalise the Indian economy. Various policies were implemented, and many were discarded. This change came about due to the Balance of Payments crisis in 1991. Foreign exchange reserves were at their lowest, the Indian government was in debt, so much so that it had to trade up all of its gold reserves to the IMF to secure a loan of $2.2 billion. (Chandrasekhar, 2008)


Since India's independence in 1947, up to the financial crisis of 1991, Indian economy had mainly focused on becoming a self reliant sovereign with policies based on import substitution and development of heavy industries. The growth of expenditures by the government up until the crisis can be partially explained by the political instability of the late 1970's as well as the oil shock of 1979-80. This meant that while revenue was low, expenditure was still increasing at a rate greater than the revenue. This increase of expenditure more than revenues meant that there were fewer resources for investment.


This paper will try to look at the various economic reforms that took place due to the crisis and also the changes in development that occurred during the same period. According to Srinivasan (2004: p.8) development can be broadly defined as the “process of enhancing the capability and opportunity of individuals in the society so they can reach their full potential of growth and contributions”. For development to occur, it is important to have adequate level of income, education and health in a society.


Industrial Policy of India


The first Industrial Policy Resolution passed in 1948 was broad in its scope and direction but an important distinction had been made with regard to the industries which would be developed by the public sector and those which would be developed by the private sector. This resolution paved the way for the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956 which was more comprehensive and focused. The Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956 laid emphasis on heavy industries and was shaped by the Mahalanobis Model of Growth. Due to the scarcity of resources and underdeveloped private sector this policy directed the public sector to undertake the development of the industries. All industries that were of basic and strategic importance along with those requiring huge investments came under the ambit of the public sector. Another objective of this policy was to remove the regional disparities by developing those regions which had a low industrial base. This policy was a landmark and formed the basis for subsequent policies. The objective of The Industrial Policy of 1991 was to unshackle the Indian industry from bureaucratic controls by removing many quantitative restrictions and reservations, improving productivity through automatic approval of technological agreements related to high priority industries, and promoting development of low industrialised regions by giving incentive to industries to locate in those areas. (Jadhav, 2005)


Trade Policy of India


Before liberalisation the trade policy in India was characterised by high tariffs, import restrictions, import licensing and quantitative restrictions. Import of manufactured consumer goods was completely banned. This period is also known as the “licensing raj” a term coined by Indian statesman Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari who opposed it. He believed that it would lead to corruption and economic stagnation. These practices not only sheltered the domestic producers from foreign competition but also led to wastefulness and low productivity.


After the crisis, the Indian government undertook many trade reforms. Import licensing was abolished completely by 1993. And, with a shift towards market determined flexible exchange rate system import licensing too was removed. The government argued that any impact on the balance of payments account due to removal of the import licensing could now be dealt with a change in the exchange rate. Removal of quantitative restrictions on capital and intermediate goods was welcomed by the Indian industry, as not only was the number of domestic producers small but also this would increase competition and hence, productivity. However, quantitative restrictions on final consumer goods were harder to remove due to the large number of domestic producers who would be affected. All quantitative restrictions were finally removed in 2001 due to a ruling by the World Trade Organisation dispute panel on a complaint filed by the United States.(Ahluwalia, 2002)


Legislative Changes


During the period leading up to the crisis many new acts were enforced one of them being the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act (MRTP) one of the most controversial acts. This act was brought into effect in 1969, to prevent the concentration of economic power which may prove detrimental to society. It regulated the mergers, acquisitions, amalgamations, and appointment of directors of dominant undertakings. This act was made redundant in July 1991 and was replaced by the Competition act in 2002. Unlike the MRTP Act the Competition Act aimed to promote competition and thereby lead to a higher level of efficiency. It also did not frown upon dominance per se, but only took action if that dominance was abused. It was also clearer on the actions that would be taken against offenders.(Legislative Dept. Government of India)


Another act which was of prominence during the period is the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA), which came into effect in 1973. This act came into being due to the shortage of foreign exchange in India. This act aimed to conserve and properly utilise India's foreign exchange resources. However, it made any offence committed under it a criminal offence. This act was repealed in 1999, as it had become incompatible as liberalisation took place. The Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) was passed in 1999, replacing FERA. This Act was more pro-liberalisation and any offences under it were civil offences.(Legislative Dept. Government of India)


Exchange Rate Regime


The Indian Exchange rate system followed up until the time of the crisis was a managed float exchange regime, with the Rupees real effective exchange rate (REER) placed on a controlled, floating basis and linked to a “basket of currencies” of India's major trading partners. This regime meant that the Rupee was highly overvalued. During the crisis, it was found that if India was to get out of the crisis it would need to devalue the Rupee substantially, and the adjustment took place in two stages on 1st July and 3rd July, 1991. After this adjustment India started to follow the Liberalised Exchange Rate Management System (LERMS) which placed an implicit tax on exports. Hence, this too was discarded in 1993 by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in favour of the Unified exchange rate system. (Sultan, n. d.)


TABLA 1


The above graph shows the changes in the exchange rate between the Rupee (INR) and the Dollar starting from the year 1985 to 1995. Keeping the Dollar fixed at $1, the INR went from Rs.12.36 to a dollar in 1985 to Rs.22.74 in 1991 and depreciated to Rs.32.42 to a dollar in 1995.


Capital Flows


Before India's liberalisation which began in 1991, Capital flows to India were restricted to aid flows, NRI deposits and commercial borrowings. There was very little Foreign Direct Investment, and close to nil Foreign Portfolio Investment up until the reforms of 1991. Table 2 illustrates the above composition of Capital flows to India starting from year 1986 up to 2001. Since the reforms however, capital flows to India saw a significant increase, a trend that breaks away from that of the previous two decades. Table 3 below shows the increase in the net capital inflows from $7.1 billion in 1990-91 to $45.8 billion in 1996-97 and reaching $108 billion in 2007-08. (Mohan, 2009)


TABLA 2


Source :Kohli: Capital Flows and their Macroeconomic Effects in India, IMF Working paper, 2001


TABLA 3


Source: RBI Annual Report on Composition of Capital (Net), 2009


Fiscal Discipline, Savings and Investment


During the crisis of 1991, India's financial stability had come under the scanner. Statistics have shown that the crisis was largely due to the growing government expenditure of the 1980's. An increase in government expenditure meant that it was borrowing more and more from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). This led to an expansionary effect on the money supply.


Hence an increase in money supply meant that price levels too would have to increase leading to inflation. The fiscal deficits of the government rose from 9% of GDP in 1980-81 to 12.7% of GDP in 1990-91. This deficit had to be financed through borrowings and this meant that government debts too rose rapidly, along with an increase in the percentage of interest payments to GDP. (Ghosh, 2006)


The immediate step after the onset of the crisis was to reduce the fiscal deficit. The combined fiscal deficit of the central and state governments was reduced from 9.4% of GDP in 1990-91 to 7% of GDP in 1992-93. The Balance of Payments crisis was over by 1993. After the crisis public savings deteriorated from +1.7% of GDP in 1996-97 to -1.7% of GDP in 2000-01. This was reflected in the fiscal deficit too reaching 9.6% of GDP in 2000-01, which was the highest in the developing countries. It was also of significance because the public debt to GDP ratio too was at 80%. Also this debt was not used to finance any public investments which had remained constant. (Ahluwalia, 2002)


Agricultural Reforms


At the time of the reforms almost 60% of the Indian population depended on agriculture for their livelihood. Hence, a common critique of the reforms followed by India has been that it focused largely on the Industrial and Trade policy while neglecting the Agricultural sector. Critics point out the deceleration of growth in the second half of the 1990's from 4.3% of GDP from 1992-97 to 2.3% between 1997-02 is proof of this neglect. However, this criticism doesn't hold under scrutiny, as in the same period agricultural exports increased from Rs.60 billion in 1990-91 to Rs.398 billion in 2005-06 (Ministry of Commerce, Government of India, 2008). This can be owed to the depreciation of the Rupee, and the reduced protection of the industry.


Although agriculture benefited from the reforms, it suffered in other ways. There was a decline in public investment in irrigation, water management, soil conservation, and rural infrastructure which are essential for agriculture. The low investment in agriculture has led to stagnation and hence, the demand for unskilled labour too has not increased much, leading to a slower decline in poverty. The reason for the stagnation is partially due to the deterioration in the fiscal position of state governments combined with politically motivated subsidies like fertilizer subsidy and under pricing of power and water. This benefits the rich farmers while negatively affecting the environment and the poorer farmer's incomes. A reduction in subsidy would not only increase revenues but these revenues could be used to finance rural development projects. However, reduction in subsidy is something that no person irrespective of party affiliations will ever want to discuss as these are politically sensitive issues. ( Jha, 2007)


Impact of Economic Reforms on HDI


The Human Development Index (HDI) has its origins in the Human Development Reports (HDR) of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This index was developed in 1990 by Pakistani economist Mahbub ul Haq, and Indian economist Amartya Sen. The HDI unlike other indices, has its focus on three major aspects of development. Firstly, it measures life expectancy at birth. Secondly, it takes into account adult literacy combined with the gross enrolment ratio, i. e. the number of students enrolled in primary, secondary and tertiary levels of education, regardless of age. Thirdly, it considers the GDP per capita in purchasing power parity (PPP), which is a reflection of the standard of living of the population being studied. The three aspects all have equal weightage and combined together give an idea about the development of a country. The three aspects combined together are measured between a range of 0 to1, with 0 being the lowest and 1 being the highest Human Development Index. (UNDP Human development Report)


TABLA 4


Source: UNDP Human Development Report


The table above shows the movements in the HDI of India starting in 1990 up to the year 2000. As is graphed, the changes in HDI have not been very significant over the decade, although the corresponding changes in GDP have been significant. Below are some reasons for this low rate of increase in the HDI.


The population boom


India's population crossed the one billion mark by 2000, and the 2001 census put India's population at 1,026.44 million. India's population between 1901 and 2001 has seen an increase of almost 789 million. Also, out of this increase 85% of it occurred during the second half of the century, from 1951 to 2001, and only 15% was added during the first half, i. e. 1901 to 1950. This disproportionate growth in population can be attributed to the rapid fall in death rate as medical advancements were made to control communicable disease like malaria, cholera, small pox etc. The rate of increase of population could have been higher, had it not been for the decline in birth rate which had been stagnant almost until the late seventies. Since the seventies the birth rate has been declining, however it has been disproportionate within India. Few states like Tamil Nadu, Goa, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Punjab have seen a rapid fall in the birth rate. While states like Bihar, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have had a much slower pace of decline in the birth rate. (Srinivasan, 2004)


Despite the fall in death rate, followed by a slower but nonetheless decline in birth rates across India. The growth rate went to a high of almost 2.2% in the late seventies and early eighties before declining in the following decade. This process is also known as the Demographic Transition, which occurs in all populations.


Employment Generation & Poverty Reduction


With a decline in the rate of increase in population, there has also been a subsequent decline in the percentage of population under the poverty line. In India the poverty line is estimated on the basis of Head Count Ratio, i. e. on the basis of the cost of food items required to meet the minimum calorie needs of a family. The Planning Commission of India estimated that the percentage of people below the poverty line in 1977-78 was almost 48% which decline thereafter to 26.1% in 1997-98. Starting in 1980's the Government of India has emphasised on programmes to alleviate poverty and provide basic needs at stable and low prices, provide incentive to industries to locate in backward areas, and hence give a boost to the local infrastructure and provide employment opportunities. The total money spent on such programmes is estimated to have been over 10% of the planned budget expenditure over 1980 and 1990. The government started antipoverty programmes like the National Rural Employment Programme which was initiated in the 1980, and the Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme, first formulated in 1983 to address the plight of the rural poor by expanding their employment opportunities. The Central Government also delegated the work of implementation of the various antipoverty programmes, land taxation, reform, and ownership policies to the State government. And although the Central government exerts political and financial pressure on the State government to effectively implement the policies, there remain many bureaucratic hurdles and corruption which sometimes retards or slows down the impact of the policies. (Library of Congress, 1995)


As per The Government of India, poverty line for the urban areas is currently at Rs.296 per month and in the rural areas its Rs.276 per month. This is the minimum wage a person would need to earn in a month to consume 2200 calories in India. Although poverty has been on the decline in India, again this decline has not been equal across the states, with many of the northern states, like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana, lagging behind and states like Kerala, Goa, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka, West Bengal, Gujarat faring much better than the national average.


Salud & amp; Life Expectancy


The Public expenditure on health in India is dismally small, and the reforms have had little to no impact in improving this situation. Even in 2001 public expenditure in health was at a mere 0.9% of GDP while private expenditure on health was 4.2% of GDP. Despite the known merits of having a high public expenditure in health, the government has taken few steps to ensure better health services, facilities and infrastructure. Hence, there has been greater reliance on the private sector to provide these facilities which denies easy access to the poor. The presence of externalities as well as information asymmetry is reason enough for the state to intervene and correct this market failure, on the grounds of both equity and efficiency.(Chandrasekhar and Ghosh, 2006) Table 5 shows the health expenditure by the Central and State government as a percentage of GDP.


TABLA 5


Source: Chandrasekhar and Ghosh; Health Expenditure in India, The Hindu Business Line, 2006


As is clear from this table, the combined expenditure by the Central and State governments even in the mid-1980's was more than 1% of GDP, as compared too 0.9% in 2001-02. Although we do see an increase in 2003-04 the expenditure as a part of GDP has not changed much.


Also what is of concern is that a lot of the expenditure incurred has been towards the revenue expenditure, i. e. like payments of salaries etc rather than towards building better infrastructure and facilities, i. e. capital expenditure.(Chandrasekhar and Ghosh, 2006)


Health facilities and infrastructure have a direct relation to the life expectancy, if more of the population has access to good and cheap health care facilities then the citizen of that country are more likely to have a higher life expectancy. However, looking at the UNDP reports, India in comparison to other countries has not seen a significant change in the life expectancy at birth in the decade since the reforms started. In 1990, according to the UNDP report, the life expectancy in India was 59 years, which has only reached 62.9 years by 2000. This clearly reflects the negligence of the Indian government to address the issue of low public expenditure on health, especially as the poorer sections of the society have little access to private health care facilities.


TABLE 6


Source: UNDP Human Development Report


Adult Literacy


As stated by Rawat and Chauhan (2007) education is an engine of economic growth and social change. It helps in the progress of a country by bringing to the front revolutionary ideas and changes. Education significantly affects poverty, income distribution, health, fertility, mortality, and the overall quality of life. It is also one of the human rights set out in the U. N. Charter.


India realised the importance of education and set up the National Policy on Education (NPE) in 1986 to help eradicate illiteracy. The target was to provide elementary education to every citizen. This is being done through programmes like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), Mid Day Meal where all primary students are provided with food for free, and the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP). In 1951 India's literacy rate was 18.3% which has grown to 55.7% in 2000. However, similar to the health sector, education too has seen a decline in public spending, with a consequent rapid privatisation of education. This has not only meant a decline in the quality of education but has also made education less accessible to the poor. This has come due to inadequate state expenditure followed by downgrading of many government institutes and their services, and the profitability of private spending on education. The combined expenditure by the central and state governments on education was only 3.7% of GDP in 2003-04 as against the target expenditure of 6% for the period.(Rawat & Chauhan, 2007)


TABLE 7


Source: UNDP Human Development Report


In the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) conducted by the International Institute of Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai designated by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) to conduct the survey. It has been found that the states that fared worst in the literacy were also the same that did badly in other areas, like life expectancy and were also the poorer states of India. The national average of literacy rate in India was at 67.6% while states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh had literacy rates below the national average. And the states like Goa, Kerala, Karnataka, Maharshtra, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh and West Bengal had literacy rates above the national average. This in itself reflects the effect that a high level of literacy has on income distribution, health, life expectancy and the overall quality of life. (NFHS, 2007)


Resumen


After looking at the above it can be concluded that although India has witnessed many economic reforms and removal of controls after the initial crisis in 1991, especially those relating to Industrial and Trade sectors. These reforms have not been implemented fully and hence, have not realised their full potential. India is an agrarian society with almost 60% of the workforce engaged in agricultural activities. This should be reason enough to increase public expenditure in agriculture and make it more efficient, and increase the rate of employment to help alleviate poverty. Similarly, public expenditure in Health and Education too needs to increase for India to see a higher level of human development. As has been discussed above Education and Health directly affect the income distribution, life expectancy and overall quality of life. The low levels of public spending in these areas, along with higher private expenditure has meant that the poor of the country are deprived of a good quality of health and education due to their high cost. India still has a long way to go to ensure equality in opportunity and quality of life to its citizen.


Bibliografía


1. Ahluwalia, Montek S. (2002) ; Economic reforms in India since 1991: Has Gradualism worked. Journal of Economic Perspectives


2. Chandrasekhar, C. P. (2008) ; Financial Liberalisation and the New Dynamics of Growth in India, Third World Network


3. Chandrasekhar, C. P. &erio; Ghosh, Jayati (2006) ; India's potential demographic dividend, The Hindu Business Line


4. Ghosh, Arunabha (2006) ; Pathways through financial crisis: India, Global Economic Governance


5. International Institute of Population Sciences, NFHS (2007)


6. Jadhav, Narendra (2005) ; Indian Industrial Policy since 1956


7. Jha, Raghbendra (2007) ; Investment & Subsidies in Indian Agriculture, ASARC Working Paper


8. Library of Congress (2005) ; Antipoverty programs by Indian government


9. Mohan, Rakesh (2009) ; Capital flows to India, BIS Papers No. 44


10. Rawat, Deepa & Chauhan, S. S.S. (2007) ; The Relationship between public expenditure and status of education in India: An input-output approach


11. Srinivasan, K. (2004) ; Population and Development in India since Independence:An overview, Journal of Family Welfare Vol.50


12. Sultan, Khwaja M. (n. d.) ; Workshop on Macroeconomic Aspects, USAID/India


13. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Reports


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The Invasion of Kuwait . also known as the Iraq–Kuwait War . was a major conflict between Ba'athist Iraq and the Emirate of Kuwait, which resulted in the seven-month-long Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, and subsequently led to direct military intervention by US-led forces in the Gulf War and the setting alight by Iraq of 600 Kuwaiti oil wells. In 1990 Iraq accused Kuwait of stealing Iraqi petroleum through slant drilling, although some Iraqi sources indicated Saddam Hussein's decision to attack Kuwait was made a few months before the actual invasion. Some feel there were several reasons for the Iraqi move, including Iraq's inability to pay more than US$80 billion that had been borrowed to finance the Iran–Iraq war, and Kuwaiti overproduction of petroleum which kept revenues down for Iraq. The invasion started on 2 August 1990, and within two days of intense combat, most of the Kuwaiti Armed Forces were either overrun by the Iraqi Republican Guard or fell back to neighboring Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. The Emirate of Kuwait was annexed, and Saddam Hussein announced a few days later that it was the 19th province of Iraq. (Source: Invasion of Kuwait ).


The 1990 oil price spike occurred in response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990. [1] Lasting only 9 months, the price shock was less extreme and of shorter duration than the previous oil crises of 1973 and 1979-1980. yet the rise in prices is widely believed to have been a significant factor in the recession of the early 1990s. [2] Average monthly prices of oil rose from $17 per barrel in July to $36 per barrel in October.


First and foremost, it raised the price of oil and fed an inflationary spiral in India as in the rest of the world. Fears of instability arising from the Gulf crisis also led to volatility of forex flows. NRI deposits, which had then been the mainstay of India's balance of payments, started flowing out. The remittances from Indians employed overseas also declined, consequent on the war-like situation. Particularly, it impacted economies of remittance-dependent States and regions such as Kerala. The forex reserves started getting depleted. India had to go to the IMF, besides pledging gold to foreign central banks, and initiate a traumatic onrush into economic reforms — essential, but speeded by the crisis. The crisis of 1990-91 was unprecedented both in terms of its intensity and duration. The level of foreign currency assets came down to $1.2 billion at the end of April 1991. India had to experience a further threat of decline in reserves because the low level of reserves was itself both the cause and effect of a reduced inflow of FCNR deposits. There was also unwillingness on the part of international financial channels to renew short-term credit to Indian entities. Forex vulnerability feeds on itself. SBI — and, therefore, India — had to depend on overnight advances in New York, London and Tokyo markets to keep itself afloat. India was teetering at the edge of a default, primarily in the form of SBI's possible failure to meet its obligations. In 1991, India still had a fixed exchange rate system, where the rupee was pegged to the value of a basket of currencies of major trading partners. At the end of 1990, the Government of India found itself in serious economic trouble. The government was close to default and its foreign exchange reserves had dried up to the point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports. As in 1966, India faced high inflation, large government budget deficits, and a poor balance of payments position.


Hence, devaluation of 1991 was economically necessary to avert a financial crisis.


A lot of things actually.


The Nehruvian Socialism that India had been practicing since 47 was designed for a purpose, to push for an overall growth of the Indian economy, ensuring the that the various strata of the society could enjoy equal opportunities at upliftment. That's the way it was supposed to be theoretically. It was also aimed at ensuring an economic growth without too much of dependence on any of the power blocs which could have seriously put a dent in our ambitions of sovereignty. Moreorless it seemed to work out with India avoiding any major dependency on any of the superpowers and having learnt a lesson from the US over its reluctance to help fight the food crisis, it played a major role in making us self sufficient over time. However the problem with this approach was it made us lazy as there was no incentive to work efficiently and ensure quality and it became necessary to allow the private players to bring up the game. However before this happened India was ridden with a set of problems that pushed it to the 91 crisis.


1. Over the years the various governments played to the tunes of opportunistic politics. they constantly caved into populist measures thereby increasing the spending to a much larger level than what the government earned. 2.The government also had no control over unions and had to undertake the tasks of acquiring a loss making enterprise in order to ensure jobs to people. this was akin to economic suicide. 3.Over the years the strict measures taken to protect local producers had made them inefficient and the bureaucracy actually promoted inefficiency wherein if you as a producer were too efficient with your work you were supposed to be fined for it.


Nehru had actually started with an idea of pushing economic reforms with the knowledge that it was only wealth which could be redistributed among masses and not poverty. however half a century those same policies falling prey to bureaucrats and populism seeking politicians, were doing the exact opposite thing.


Más respuestas abajo. preguntas relacionadas


If a ten-year-old asks me why a US Dollar costs 60 INR, how should I explain it?


I live in Nigeria and I am saving money for schooling abroad, but our currency is falling against the dollar. Should I keep saving in our currency


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Its a long. historia. will tell you in short. 1) public sector enterprise were not giving any yields. 2) excessive nationalization of assets3) licence raj. these were long term reasons. short term reasons. fueron. 1)political instability in that era 2) gulf crisis.


Current Indian economic scenario similar to 1991 crisis: Barclays


Mumbai: Stating that the current economic scenario is similar to 1991-92 crisis, foreign brokerage Barclays on Tuesday said credit growth of banks will slow down to 10-11 percent levels, just like it did during the crisis in early 90s.


"The current macro context and consequently the monetary policy challenges are similar to those in FY1992," it said in a note.


Barclays drew a slew of parallels between the ongoing economic scenario and the one during the dark period of 1991-92, like a sharp GDP slowdown, strained external account and sticky inflation.


It can be noted that growth has fallen to a decade low of 5 percent in FY13, the current account deficit is at a record high of 4.8 percent, while the headline inflation also surged to 5.79 percent due to the rupee depreciation, after showing ebbing for three months.


Top economic policymakers, including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who ushered in the reforms in 1991 as a result of the crisis, have been repeatedly asserting that the scenario at present is not the same as 1991.


It added that in 1991-92, capital spending and credit growth were weak, and hence, going to the bond markets was an unattractive option for banks.


"If the FY92 scenario is repeated, credit growth could drop to 10-11 percent," it said, conceding that this is contrary to the current focus on credit growth getting constrained because of weak deposit growth.


Barclays said given their inflexible cost structures, public sector banks would get impacted because of this while others like Yes Bank and Indusind Bank, which are witnessing a string of growth in operating expenses because of network investments will also be hit.


"A prolonged slowdown in credit growth would put pressure on the cost to income ratios of banks that have an inflexible cost base," it said.


The Eagle Online – The Nigerian Online Newspaper


Lessons for Nigeria from India’s 1991 economic crisis, by Mayowa Michael Adeleye


With the imminent financial constraints facing the nation as we plan ahead for 2016, Nigeria must diversify and liberalize its economy to move towards a free-market system that will place emphasis on both foreign trade and direct investment inflows, to prevent against danger of balance of payment…Nigerian economic model must be largely capitalist to survive the shock


It is no news again that Nigeria’s monolith economy is going through a period of great turbulence following the crash in crude oil global prices due to over supply crude oil glut that has exceeded the global crude oil demand. Nigeria is left with no option than to diversify the economy beyond relying on raw Crude Oil export revenue. Furthermore, Nigeria’s Federal Government must move away from following the protectionist policies that are influenced by socialist economics. The Federal Government should do away with widespread federal government over-intervention and over-regulation that has largely walled the economy off from the outside world. With the imminent financial constraints facing the nation as we plan ahead for 2016, Nigeria must diversify and liberalize its economy to move towards a free-market system that will place emphasis on both foreign trade and direct investment inflows, to prevent against danger of balance of payment…Nigerian economic model must be largely capitalist to survive the shock. The economic liberalization in Nigeria must be continuous in refocusing the economic policies with the goal of making the economy more market-oriented and expanding the role of private and foreign investment. Eventually these moves will lead to specific changes that will include among others: the relaxation of the tight forex exchange policies, reduction in import tariffs, privatization and deregulation of markets, taxes incentives for investors, and greater foreign investment. Such economy liberalization and diversification will lead to unprecedented high economic growth in the country.


Quick Reminder: Former President Obasanjo recently made public attack on former President Jonathan, accusing him of squandering $25 billion crude oil savings (excess crude oil account) left behind by his administration. Obasanjo’s administration left over $25 billion to his successor, late Musa Yar’adua, who raised the sum in the excess crude oil account to $35 billion within 2 years in government. As at November 28, 2015, the balance in the excess crude oil revenue account remained at $2.258 billion. Obasanjo’s administration also left $40 billion in Nigeria’s foreign reserve account after paying all the outstanding debt at the time while former President Yar’adua also raised the Nigerian external foreign reserves to $ 60 billion. Under Former President Jonathan, the Nigeria’s foreign reserves plummeted to $30 billion by May 2015 handover day. As at December 15, 2015, Nigeria, a country of over 170 million people, under President Buhari has a foreign external reserves of $29 billion!


About 1991 Indian economic crisis? Let’s take a clue from 1990 Indian economic crisis and how India, a nation of over 1 billion population survived bank going bankruptcy less than 25 years ago! Since 1960s, India depended on the Soviet Union for majority of Indian’s exports under Indian socialism-like economy. India failed to develop good economic relationships with the US and Western Europe and Indian failed to diversify their economy. It was a good going for a while (India and the Soviet Union) until the late 1980s when Soviet Union started to crack and by 1991 they were split into 15 nations (Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, etc). At that point, India had a major problem because their primary buyer was in turmoil. Exports were down significantly. this crisis was worsen by the US-Iraqi war of 1991. From 1985, India socialist economy started having balance of payments problems. By 1990, it was in a serious National economic crisis. The government was close to default on its external balance of payment obligations! Indian central bank had refused new credit and foreign exchange reserves had been reduced to such a point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports which led the Indian government to airlift national gold reserves as a pledge to the International Monetary Fund in exchange for a loan to cover balance of payment debts. With India’s external foreign exchange reserves at $1.2 billion in January 1991 and depleted by half to $0.6 billion by June 1991, barely enough to last for roughly 3 weeks of essential imports, India was only weeks way from defaulting on its external balance of payment obligations. Government of India’s immediate response was to secure an emergency loan of $2.2 billion from the International Monetary Fund by pledging 67 tons of India’s gold reserves as collateral. The Reserve Bank of India had to airlift 47 tons of gold to the Bank of England and 20 tons of gold to the Union Bank of Switzerland to raise $600 million. National sentiments were outraged and there was public outcry when it was learned that the government had pledged the country’s entire gold reserves against the loan. Interestingly, it was later revealed that the van transporting the gold to the airport broke down on route and panic followed. A chartered plane ferried the precious cargo to London between 21 May and 31 May 1991, jolting the country out of an economic slumber. The Chandra Shekhar government had collapsed a few months after having authorised the airlift. The move helped tide over the balance of payment crisis and kick-started P. V. Narasimha Rao’s economic reform process. P. V. Narasimha Rao took over as Prime Minister in June 1991 and roped in Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister. The Narasimha Rao government ushered in several reforms that are collectively termed as liberalization in the Indian media. Although, most of these reforms came because IMF required those reforms as a condition for loaning money to India in order to overcome the crisis. There were significant opposition to such reforms, suggesting they are an “interference with India’s autonomy”. Then Prime Minister Rao’s speech a week after he took office highlighted the necessity for reforms, as New York Times reported, “Mr. Rao, who was sworn in as Prime Minister last week, has already sent a signal to the nation—as well as the I. M.F.—that India faced no “soft options” and must open the door to foreign investment, reduce red tape that often cripples initiative and streamline industrial policy. The foreign external reserves started picking up with the onset of the liberalization policies and peaked to $353.876 billion in the week to May 2015.


What is the aftermath of liberalization of Indian Economy? A programme of economic policy reform since 1991 has since been put in place which has yielded very satisfactory results so far. While much still remains on the unfinished reform agenda, the prospects of macro stability and growth are indeed encouraging. The same India that could not have barely $1 billion in its foreign reserve in June 1991, in May 2015 had a foreign external reserves of $353.876 billion. Thanks to the economy liberalization policies. . Adeleye writes from Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.


Copyright The Eagle Online. Permission to use quotations from this article is granted subject to appropriate credit being given to www. theeagleonline. com. ng as the source.


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RBI rules out 1991-type crisis in 2012


Hyderabad: Ruling out a repeat of 1991 crisis situation in 2012, RBI Governor D Subbarao Thursday said the current economic situation is different from what it was two decades ago as rupee is market-determined, forex reserves is good and financial markets are "resilient".


Unlike 1991, the rupee's exchange rate is market determined "which is our great strength", he said.


India now has a USD 280 billion foreign exchange reserves and financial markets are resilient and robust, he added.


These are the reasons "we will not have a crisis of 1991 type," Subbarao said.


"It is highly improbable we will have a 1991 crisis but I'm not saying we have no problems. There is quite a lot of development in the macro-economic sector," he added.


"Today people ask me is 2012 a repeat of 1991, my answer is no. 2012 is not a repeat of 1991 because today we are in different sort of economy," Subbarao said delivering the K Obayya Memorial Lecture here.


After expanding by 8.4 percent for two consecutive financial years, the GDP slumped to 6.5 percent in 2011-12. The country is now also grappling with high inflation, slowing industrial growth, sliding rupee and declining exports.


Subbarao said, "After all, you have to contain demand. When you contain demand, growth comes down. So, there is no way of bringing down inflation without sacrificing some growth."


He said that the central bank should be sensitive to the silent voice of the millions of poor (on price rise).


The RBI governor said some sacrifice is needed for medium-term growth.


"The communication we try to give and the message we try to convey is that this short-term sacrifice of growth is a small price to pay for bringing inflation down so that in the medium-term the growth is secured," he said.


He said there is nothing inevitable about the India's growth story, but "all the same. There is no God-given law that India has to grow at 10 percent or 12 percent".


After expanding by 8.4 percent for two consecutive financial years, the GDP slumped to 6.5 percent in 2011-12. The economy is now also grappling with high inflation, slowing industrial growth, sliding rupee and declining exports.


Not only RBI or government, but everyone has to work together to put India on a high economic growth path, Subbarao added.


Why RBI’s forex, gold reserves matter


The year 1991 is considered a landmark year for the Indian economy. The country went through a severe crisis, which forced the government and regulators to change a wide array of policies. Back in the days, India used to pay for its imports from Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) reserve of foreign currency. Its exports were barely enough. By 1991, its imports ballooned so much that India’s forex reserves touch an all-time low, enough to pay for only three-weeks of imports. The country had to airlift gold and pledge it with IMF for a loan in 1991. This balance of payment crisis is perhaps the best example of why the RBI’s foreign exchange and gold reserves matter.


Today, India does not face this problem. Yet, the RBI’s forex and gold reserves continue to matter, especially since India is a developing and import-depended country. Here are four reasons why:


1. What are reserves: Most countries including India purchase gold and foreign currency regularly. This is kept aside as reserves. It could comprise of a combination of assets which include gold, foreign exchange (currency) holdings, investments, trade surplus and others. These can be used in the event of a financial crisis and to weather crises in the markets. Reserves, thus, bring about financial as well as political stability. Currencies like US dollar and Euros are used in nearly all international transactions. They have thus acquired the status of reserve currencies. A country, which holds a great forex reserve, could have a big say in world politics.


2. Gold reserves: You may have seen movies where the women in the house sell off their gold and jewellery when the family goes bankrupt. This principal of using family silver to weather a financial crisis also applies for a country, as was demonstrated in the 1991 balance of payment crisis. India used its gold reserves to avoid a default back then. Since then, the RBI has accumulated gold worth $20 billion, as of September 2014.


3. RBIs forex reserves: Foreign exchange reserves are acquired through trade, which is selling of goods and services for currency. Since 1991, RBI has steadily accumulated foreign currency assets as reserves. Today, its forex bounty is worth around $290 billion according to recent RBI data. These reserves help to maintain stability in the currency exchange rates, to combat financial market turbulence, to overcome balance of payments issues, to meet import bills, assist in improve the country’s credit ratings, influence interest rates and are also used for several other concerns. Though most forex reserves are held in US dollars, currencies like Euro and Pound are also part of the foreign currency asset portfolio.


4. Dollar-gold relationship: While holding a good amount of gold and forex reserves gives strength to the country’s economy, it has to be in a balanced proportion. This is the more you buy the dollar, the stronger it gets. This automatically means the Rupee will be valued lower. Similarly, the more you buy gold, the higher will be its price. A strong dollar is known to reduce the prices of gold, while rising gold prices weaken the dollar. So there has to be balance in the RBI’s buying pattern. Otherwise, the overall value of its reserves may get devalued substantially under market fluctuations.


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Is the Indian economy heading for a 1991 like crisis?


Often credited with being the architect of economic reforms by pulling the economy from the brink in 1991, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his team must avoid taking us right back there.


In fact, on some parameters like current account deficit, India was far better off in 1991, then in 2013.


The media is now speculating whether we are headed for an external debt crisis like in 1991. A report in the Mint states that this fiscal, the country has to repay $172.35 billion-which is 44% of the country's debt stock of $390.04 billion. This is certainly worrying by any standards.


For the last two years our current account deficit had very few people worried, because of the huge hot money that came in from foreign fund flows into the stock and Indian debt markets. A small pullout by foreign funds in the debt and equity segments of the stock market has already jolted the rupee.


Analysts are now worried that more selling pressure in the equity markets by foreign funds could be bad for the rupee, markets and the economy.


A lot could have been done by the UPA in the last 9 years of rule, particularly liberalising FDI which would have bought in dollars. However, it did very little to either attract FDI or boost exports. The few reforms that have taken place have happened after Mamata Banerjee pulled out of the UPA, but the rupee has tumbled even more since then.


The last few months there seen knee jerk reactions from the RBI, SEBI and the government to help prevent a rout on the rupee, which is not going to solve the fundamental problem of a ballooning current account deficit. Of course, in the meantime you would keep finding Finance Minister Chidambaram on television trying to calm nerves of the forex market by talking of more reforms.


GDP growth rates are now at a decade low and the government is depending on the RBI to cut rates and boost growth rates. However, RBI is unlikely to cut interest rates anytime soon given that the rupee is in a freefall and we are going to have lot of imported inflation, particularly from crude oil.


The real worry for the Indian economy now is if US Federal Reserve decides to withdrawing stimulus in the US which could lead to liquidity being pulled back from around the globe. If that happens be rest assured that foreign funds would withdraw from Indian markets sending the rupee into a tailspin. In the mean time one has to also pray that global rating agency S&P does not downgrade India's sovereign rating to junk, which could see huge outflows from the market.


Clearly, we have an external debt crisis looming and a ballooning current account deficit playing havoc with the rupee.


Elevated interest and decade low growth rates are adding to the economic misery. We may not have a 1991 like crisis as yet, but the Indian economy certainly looks vulnerable, if the external environment changes rapidly. The only silver lining is the stronger forex reserves in comparison to 1991.


BoP Crisis in India


From 1947 till 1956-57, the India had a current account surplus. By the end of the first plan, the Trade deficit was Rs. 542 Crore and Net Invisibles was Rs. 500 Crore, thus giving a BoP deficit in Current Account worth Rs. 42 Crore. From this time onwards, the trade deficit increased from 3.8% of the GDP at market prices to 4.5% of GDP. Due to this, the government imposed the exchange controls. This was the first BoP crisis . ever India faced, after independence.


Second BOP crisis


In 1965, when India was at war with Pakistan, the US responded by suspension of aid and refusal to renew its PL-480 agreement on a long term basis. The idea of US as well as World Bank was to induce India to adopt a new agricultural policy and devalue the rupee. Thus, the Rupee was devalued by 36.5% in June 1966. This was followed by a substantial rationalization of the tariffs and export subsidies in an expectation of inflow of the foreign aid. The BoP improved, but not because of inflow of foreign aid but because of the decline in imports.


After the 1966-67, the BoP of India remained comfortable till 1970s. The first oil shock of 1973-74 was absorbed by the Indian Economy due to buoyant exports. After that there was an expansion of the international trade.


Crisis of 1990-91


When we usually discuss about the BoP crisis in India, we refer to that one of 1990-91. This crisis had its origin from the fiscal year 1979-80 onwards. By the end of the 6th plan, India’s BoP deficit (Current account) rose to Rs. 11384 crore. It was the mid of 1980s when the BoP issue occupied the centre position in India’s macroeconomic management policy. The second Oil shock of 1979 was more severe and the value of the imports of India became almost double between 1978-78 and 1981-82. From 1980 to 1983, there was global recession and India’s exports suffered during this time.


The trade deficit was not been offset by the flow of the funds under net invisibles. Apart from the external assistance, India had to meet its colossal deficit in the current account through the withdrawal of SDR and borrowing from IMF under the extended facility arrangement . A large part of the accumulated foreign exchange fund was used to offset the BoP.


During the 7th plan, between 1985-86 and 1989-90, India’s trade deficit amounted to Rs. 54, 204 Crore. The net invisible was Rs. 13157 Crore and India’s BoP was Rs. 41047 Crore. India was under a sever BoP crisis. In 1991, India found itself in her worst payment crisis since 1947. The things became worse by the 1990-91 Gulf war, which was accompanied by double digit inflation.


India’s credit rating got downgraded. The country was on the verge of defaulting on its international commitments and was denied access to the external commercial credit markets. In October 1990, a Net Outflow of NRI deposits started and continued till 1991.


The only option left to fulfil its international commitments was to borrow against the security of India’s Gold Reserves as collateral. The prime Minister of the country’s caretaker government was Chandrashekhar and Finance Minister was Yashwant Sinha. The immediate response of this Caretaker government was to secure an emergency loan of $2.2 billion from the International Monetary Fund by pledging 67 tons of India’s gold reserves as collateral. This triggered the wave of the national sentiments against the rulers of the country. India was called a “Caged Tiger”. On 21 May 1991, Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated in an election rally and this triggered a nationwide sympathy wave securing victory of the Congress. The new Prime Minister was P V Narsimha Rao. P V Narsimha Rao was Minister of Planning in the Rajiv Gandhi Government and had been Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission. He along with Finance Minister Manmohan Singh started several reforms which are collectively called “Liberalization”. This process brought the country back on the track and after that India’s Foreign Currency reserves have never touched such a “brutal” bajo.


In 1991, the following measures were taken:


In 1991, Rupee was once again devaluated.


Due to the currency devaluation the Indian Rupee fell from 17.50 per dollar in 1991 to 45 per dollar in 1992.


The Value of Rupee was devaluated 23%.


Industries were Delicensed.


Import tariffs were lowered and import restrictions were dismantled.


Indian Economy was opened for foreign investments.


Market Determined exchange rate system was introduced. This was initiated with LERMS


Correction of BoP crisis


Liberalized Exchange Rate Management System


In the Union Budget 1992-93, a new system named LERMS was started. The LERMS was introduced from March 1, 1992 and under this, a system of double exchange rates was adopted. Under LERMS, the exporters could sell 60% of their foreign exchange earning to the authorized Foreign Exchange dealers in the open market at the open market exchange rate while the remaining 40% was to be sold compulsorily to RBI at the exchange rates decided by RBI.


Another important feature of LERMS was that the Government was providing the foreign exchange only for most essential imports. For less important imports, the importers had to arrange themselves from the open market.


Thus, we see that LERMS was introduced with twin objectives of building up the Foreign Exchange Reserves and discourage imports. At that time, the government was successful in achieving both of these objectives.


Rangarajan Panel for correcting BoP


The Report of the High Level Committee on Balance of Payments, of which Dr. Rangarajan was the Chairman, was submitted in June 1993. The important recommendations of this panel were as follows:


A realistic exchange rate and a gradual relaxation of the restrictions on the current account should go hand in hand.


Current account deficit of 1.6% of GDP should be treated as a ceiling.


Government should be cautious of extending concessions or facilities to the Foreign Investors. The concessions were more to the foreign investors than to the domestic players.


All external debts should be pursued on a prioritized on the basis of the Use on which the debt is to be put.


No approval should be accorded for a commercial loan which has a maturity of less than 5 years.


There should be efforts so that Debt flows can be replaced by the equity flows.


RBI should target a level of reserves that took into account liabilities that may arise for debt servicing, in addition to imports of three months.


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1991 Indian economic crisis


Source: http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/1991_Indian_economic_crisis Updated: 2015-11-26T02:10Z


By 1985, India had started having balance of payments problems. By the end of 1990, it was in a serious economic crisis. The government was close to default, its central bank had refused new credit and foreign exchange reserves had been reduced to such a point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports which led the Indian government to airlift national gold reserves as a pledge to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in exchange for a loan to cover balance of payment debts. [ 1 ]


Contenido


Recuperación


With India’s foreign exchange reserves at $1.2 billion in January 1991 [ 2 ] [ 3 ] [ 4 ] and depleted by half by June, [ 4 ] barely enough to last for roughly 3 weeks of essential imports, [ 3 ] [ 5 ] India was only weeks way from defaulting on its external balance of payment obligations. [ 3 ] [ 4 ]


Government of India 's immediate response was to secure an emergency loan of $2.2 billion [ 6 ] [ 7 ] [ 8 ] from the International Monetary Fund by pledging 67 tons of India's gold reserves as collateral. [ 1 ] [ 7 ] The Reserve Bank of India had to airlift 47 tons of gold to the Bank of England [ 9 ] [ 2 ] and 20 tons of gold to the Union Bank of Switzerland to raise $600 million. [ 9 ] [ 2 ] [ 10 ] National sentiments were outraged and there was public outcry when it was learned that the government had pledged the country's entire gold reserves against the loan. [ 9 ] [ 5 ] Interestingly, it was later revealed that the van transporting the gold to the airport broke down on route and panic followed. [ 1 ] A chartered plane ferried the precious cargo to London between 21 May and 31 May 1991, jolting the country out of an economic slumber. [ 9 ] The Chandra Shekhar government had collapsed a few months after having authorised the airlift. [ 9 ] The move helped tide over the balance of payment crisis and kick-started P. V.Narasimha Rao ’s economic reform process. [ 2 ]


P. V. Narasimha Rao took over as Prime Minister in June, and roped in Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister. [ 9 ] The Narasimha Rao government ushered in several reforms that are collectively termed as liberalisation in the Indian media. Although, most of these reforms came because IMF required those reforms as a condition for loaning money to India in order to overcome the crisis. There were significant opposition to such reforms, suggesting they are an "interference with India's autonomy". Then Prime Minister Rao's speech a week after he took office highlighted the necessity for reforms, as New York Times reported, "Mr. Rao, who was sworn in as Prime Minister last week, has already sent a signal to the nation—as well as the I. M.F.—that India faced no "soft options" and must open the door to foreign investment, reduce red tape that often cripples initiative and streamline industrial policy. Mr. Rao made his comments in a speech to the nation Saturday night." [ 11 ] The foreign reserves started picking up with the onset of the liberalisation policies and peaked to $353.876 billion in the week to May 2015. [ 12 ]


Secuelas


A program of economic policy reform 1991 has since been put in place which has yielded very satisfactory results so far. While much still remains on the unfinished reform agenda, the prospects of macro stability and growth are indeed encouraging.


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Referencias


The Indian economy is gripped by crisis:


GDP growth has slowed to below trend,


Industrial production has decelerated sharply alongside lacklustre investment,


Twin deficits remain chronic, and


Inflationary pressures persist.


Investor confidence has also waned amid growing political uncertainty, and is reflected in the decline of the rupee and the stock market. Since the beginning of 2011, the rupee has declined by 25% against the dollar. It is the worst-performing currency in Asia ex-Japan, despite recent government efforts to halt its slide by raising the ceiling on foreign investment in rupee-denominated debt. India’s economic woes appear reminiscent of the crisis in 1991 when the country, facing bankruptcy, was forced to airlift its gold reserves abroad to secure emergency IMF loans.


A stagflation-type environment is emerging in India. GDP growth has slowed sharply to 6.5% in the fiscal year ending March 2012, from 8.5% in the previous year. Inflationary pressures remain persistent despite the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) hiking the repo rate 13 times by a cumulative 375 basis points since March 2010. Although the latest figures show headline inflation to have eased to 6%-7% in July 2012 from the highs of 9%-10% over the last two years, the moderation was mainly on account of the cooling in food and fuel prices. Inflation is still significantly above the RBI’s comfort zone of 5%-6% and underlying inflationary pressures remain strong – the RBI has recently warned that inflation risks remain high in the short term owing to suppressed administered fuel prices as well as infrastructural bottlenecks in coal, minerals and power (Reserve Bank of India 2012). Poor monsoon conditions are also likely to have an adverse impact on food prices and, as a consequence, wages.


India’s deteriorating growth-inflation trade off underlines the macroeconomic imbalances and structural weaknesses of the economy.


First, the twin deficits create a level of vulnerability for India that is a cause for concern. India’s expansionary fiscal policy, intended to fight the 2008 global credit crisis, has led to a dramatic deterioration in the country’s fiscal situation. Government spending in the form of several social programmes (particularly the National Rural Employment Guarantee Program or NGERA, which gives 100 days of minimum wages to the rural unemployed) to boost domestic demand has strained the government’s budget position, causing the overall fiscal deficit to widen from 4% in FY2007-2008 to 7% in FY2011-2012 (Figure 1). With sluggish economic growth and the consequent loss in tax revenues, the risks of fiscal slippage are high. The fiscal outlook has also become more tenuous since it will be difficult to rationalise subsidies if food inflation were to accelerate sharply in response to a poor monsoon. Fiscal imbalances pose risks to macroeconomic stability and undermine growth (IMF 2011) – a persistently high fiscal deficit will raise interest rates for the private sector and constrain the government’s ability to implement any stimulus measures to prop up the economy when growth slows, as is happening now.


Figure 1 . Fiscal revenue, expenditure and deficit


Source . Ministry of Finance, CEIC


While the approach of stimulating domestic demand via fiscal expansion in 2008 put India’s economy back on track after the global financial crisis, the inertia in withdrawing stimulus has subsequently led to a spike in inflation that prompted monetary policy tightening and dampened aggregate demand. Gross investment (especially private) and savings slowed as a result. Total savings declined from the peak of 36.8% in FY2007-2008 to 32.3% in FY2010-2011, a decline of 4.5% of GDP, which exceeded the fall in gross investment of 3% of GDP during the same period. Reflecting the widening gap between savings and investment, India’s current-account deficit increased in the post-credit crisis period (Figure 2). The decline in total savings, a large part of which stemmed mainly from the erosion in public savings due to falling government revenues, has pushed the current-account deficit to the highest level since the 1991 balance of payments crisis. During the 12 months ending March 2012, India had a current-account deficit of $78.2 billion or 4.2% of GDP. This diverged from the current-account deficit, which ranged from -0.5% to -2% of GDP that policy makers have been conservatively maintaining since the 1991 balance of payments crisis. Historically, India has run a current-account deficit primarily due to the policymakers pushing investments and growth higher than that supported by the domestic saving rate. After FY2008-09, however, savings have been declining at a much faster rate than investment.


Figure 2 . Current and capital account


A widening current-account deficit could potentially lead to pressures on the country’s balance of payments and the currency. Although India’s current-account deficit has been offset by capital account surpluses, nearly three-quarters of the deficit for the past four years was estimated to be financed by more volatile sources of capital, including commercial loans, trade credit and portfolio equity and debt inflows (Figure 3). Net foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, which plunged 58% to $3.83 billion in the first three months (April-June) of FY2012-13, run the risk of slowing further due to regulatory uncertainty and corruption-related scandals. The inability of the government to push ahead with the liberalisation of FDI limits in the multi-brand retail sector as well as the imposition of retroactive tax on foreign mergers have discouraged foreign investor interest and worsened business sentiment.


Figure 3 . Net capital inflows


To compound these domestic challenges, the external environment has not been supportive. Weak external demand has weighed on India’s exports, and despite the recent currency depreciation, the country’s current-account deficit woes are not expected to diminish. According to a JP Morgan study, India’s exports are far more responsive to changes in external demand than to movements in the exchange rate (JP Morgan 2012). In addition, the inelastic nature of India’s imports, particularly oil, is likely to exert pressures on the current account.


Considering India’s high current-account deficit, the risk of slowdown in capital inflows will exacerbate the funding risks and currency depreciation pressures. India’s rising current-account deficit raises serious questions about its sustainability, particularly against the backdrop of volatile global conditions and volatile capital flows. The RBI recently carried out an analysis showing that with GDP growth of 7% a current-account deficit-GDP ratio of around 2.5% is sustainable (Reserve Bank of India 2012). With India’s current-account deficit already exceeding this threshold level, its external vulnerability is expected to rise further.


Further, India’s short-term external debt has increased with the recent depreciation of the rupee, raising the country’s exposure to external funding stresses and giving rise to concerns of a high debt service burden. At the end of March 2012, the ratio of short-term debt to total debt stood at 22.6% compared to 10.2% in FY1990-1991. High external debt, along with a deterioration of the net international investment position since the global financial crisis, has made the country more susceptible to external shocks. However, India’s foreign exchange (Forex) reserves are now considerably larger compared to 1991, with the ratio of Forex reserves to total debt standing at 85.1% versus 7% in FY1990-1991 (Ministry of Finance 2011). India’s ample foreign reserves provide some buffer against balance of payments pressures, with Forex reserves providing almost 100% cover to India’s external debt, or 7.1 months of imports (Figure 4).


Figure 4 . External debt and reserves


Despite the weakening of growth momentum, inflationary pressures have persisted, driven by high commodity prices as well as structural demand and supply imbalances. Higher demand due to shifting dietary patterns and rising household incomes have led to higher food prices, which are further exacerbated by low agriculture production growth that has averaged less than 2% per annum in the past decade. In the near term, inflation will remain elevated due to the upward adjustments in energy prices as well as increases in minimum support prices for various crops. Inflation expectations are also expected to remain sticky, creating not merely upside risks to near-term inflation but also likely to lead to a surge in gold imports (which was a key factor worsening the current-account deficit over the last two years) to hedge against inflationary pressures. The persistent fiscal deficit and the declining rupee pose potential threats for further inflationary pressures.


Conclusiones


India’s current economic slowdown reflects both cyclical and structural factors. A slowdown in the investment cycle, combined with supply constraints and a subdued external environment has caused growth to slow to below trend. With weak global demand for exports, India’s continued economic expansion will have to rely increasingly on domestic growth drivers. However, the pace of structural reforms has been slow due to political gridlock; after high-profile corruption scandals in recent years (notably the mis-selling of telecommunications licences in 2008), many key economic reforms have stalled as a result of slower government decision making. Further, in terms of policy response, the government faces a dilemma whereby high inflation have complicated the RBI’s management of the rupee while the twin deficits significantly limit the monetary space for more aggressive countercyclical policy measures.


If India persists with a lack of reforms to rectify the macroeconomic imbalances, it could inhibit the country's growth potential. The IMF has estimated India’s potential growth rate at a much higher 7½-8½% (IMF 2010), and underpinning optimism over the country’s medium-term growth prospects are favourable demographics and significant progress towards economic liberalisation since the late 1980s. To realise India’s growth potential, major structural reforms aimed at improving the investment climate are necessary. In particular, legislative initiatives concerning land acquisition and mining, tax and financial sector reform as well as FDI in multi-brand retail, are important for ensuring the sustainability of its high growth. To mitigate supply constraints and facilitate non-inflationary growth, speeding up reforms in the power sector is an urgent priority, particularly through better allocation of domestic coal via pricing and reform of electricity tariffs (IMF 2012). Given recent important personnel changes in the finance ministry, it remains to be seen if the government will finally bite the bullet on a host of long-awaited policy measures, thus delivering the crucial structural reforms needed to restore confidence.


Referencias


IMF (2010), Staff Report for the 2010 Article IV Consultation. Report can be accessed here .


IMF (2011), India Sustainability Report . G20.


IMF (2012), Staff Report for the 2012 Article IV Consultation. Report can be accessed here .


JP Morgan (2012), Global Data Watch, “What’s Happening To India’s Growth Drivers”, Economic Research Note, 11 May.


Ministry of Finance (2011), Economic Survey of India , FY 2011-12 .


Reserve Bank of India (2012), Macroeconomic and Monetary Developments, First Quarter Review . 2012-13.


Govt struggles to defend rupee as 1991-like crisis erupts


The Reserve Bank intervened in the foreign exchange market on Thursday to stop the rupee's slide toward a record low as its defence of the currency, built around draining cash from money markets, came under rising pressure.


With the Reserve Bank of India struggling to hold the line, investors are sceptical whether the government will take swift, credible action to reduce a gaping current account deficit despite Finance Minister P. Chidambaram's assurances.


"The market wants real action," said Param Sarma, chief executive at NSP Forex, a consultancy in Mumbai. "The government and RBI want to keep rupee under control to check inflation and to ultimately reverse tightening measures so they can support growth."


Sarma and many others believe New Delhi could opt to issue a bond aimed at drawing inflows from expatriate Indians, as the central bank has voiced opposition to a sovereign bond issue.


The rupee has lost 11.4 percent since the start of May, and by afternoon was quoted at 60.65 per dollar, as RBI dollar selling brought it off a session low of 60.90 and forestalled a move back toward a July 8 record low of 61.21.


The need to shore up the economy with economic reforms grows more urgent given the prospect the Federal Reserve will at some point start removing its U. S. monetary stimulus, making the global investment environment even more difficult for India.


Goldman Sachs downgraded Indian equities to "underweight" from "market-weight" late on Wednesday, noting the RBI's liquidity tightening measures add to the woes of an economy that grew at a decade-low 5 percent in the last fiscal year and is showing "no signs" of a pickup in investment demand.


RBI Governor Duvvuri Subbarao, whose term ends early next month, reiterated that the central bank's extraordinary liquidity tightening measures last month to curb currency volatility will be maintained until the rupee stabilises.


"These measures will continue until the volatility in the exchange rate is curbed and we are as anxious as everyone else that that is sooner (rather) than later," he said during a speech in Chennai.


Subbarao also spelled out the challenges facing Asia's third-largest economy


"Our growth has significantly moderated, inflation as measured by the wholesale price index has moderated but retail inflation as measured by CPI (consumer price index) is still high, close to double digits. Balance of payments is under stress, our investments have decelerated," él dijo.


A survey of the manufacturing sector released by HSBC on Thursday showed the slowdown in Indian factory activity deepened in July as order books shrank by the most in over four years. It also showed an uptick in input costs.


Mahindra & Mahindra, India's dominant maker of utility vehicles, on Thursday posted a 21 percent annual drop in sales for the month of July and said it would halt production at its plants for up to six days in coming months.


Investors worry Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's weak, minority coalition will be prevented from taking bold action amid political gridlock ahead of elections due by next May.


Numerous economists, as well as the central bank, have cut their India growth forecasts in recent weeks.


"Although the government has taken many policy initiatives on the infrastructure front and pushed through various reforms so far this year, markets may get worried about the potential policy paralysis ahead of the general elections," said Goldman Sachs in its downgrade note.


Chidambaram said on Wednesday the government was looking into various options to attract inflows, including relaxing overseas borrowing rules and curbing some imports.


The Indian economy is stuck in a quagmire of low growth, persistent inflation, a wide current account deficit and a rapidly weakening currency, but policy measures to tackle any one of these will likely worsen the others.


As a net importer, India's import bill is quickly inflated by a weakening rupee, leading to higher inflation and a wider current account deficit, which in turn pressures growth and the country's foreign exchange reserves.


The RBI held its policy interest rates steady on Tuesday, but the high short term rates caused by the liquidity squeeze have already forced some banks to put up lending rates, hurting prospects for investment and economic growth.


The liquidity squeeze has caused bond yields to surge. Benchmark 10-year yields are up around a half percentage point since the RBI's measures.


Foreign investors have been heavy sellers of India debt, unloading almost $9 billion in bonds since late May, and a little under $2 billion in stocks since then.


The central bank has been spotted intervening since May, and as of July 19 its foreign exchange reserves stood at $279.20 billion, roughly enough to cover 7 months of imports. Reserves have fallen from a 2013 peak of $296.37 billion, but not all of the decline is due to currency intervention.


Analysts say that ultimately reforms need to be deepened, perhaps on the scale of 1991, when a balance of payment crisis forced India to liberalise its economy.


"The real solution lies in improving the investment climate by giving a strong push to structural reforms the way it was given in 1991-92 and stimulating key exporting industries," said Rupa Rege Nitsure, chief economist of Bank of Baroda in Mumbai.


Copyright Thomson Reuters 2013


Story first published on . August 01, 2013 12:15 (IST)


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(Any opinions expressed here are those of the author and not of Thomson Reuters)


Several economists have gone to great lengths to say that India in 2013 is not facing a repeat of the 1991 balance-of-payments crisis or the Asian financial crisis in 1997. Clearly, the crisis India faces now is unique – as most economic crises usually are.


That does not mean there is nothing to be learnt from past crises. We believe there are several similarities between the Asian one and India’s situation today.


There are many reasons and theories attributed to the cause of the Asian crisis. Some of the common factors in the affected countries, in varying degrees, were – high current account deficits, semi-fixed exchange rates, extremely high dependence on foreign capital inflows & borrowings, inefficient asset creation, crony capitalism and undercapitalized banks.


When panic struck, the central banks in the region tried desperately to defend their currencies from depreciating in the face of capital flight. The defence was ultimately unsuccessful and the currencies depreciated between 50 and 80 percent in a few months, busting many large corporates and banks that had direct or indirect foreign exchange liabilities.


While India’s situation is not as severe as the one facing the Asian tigers in the summer of 1997, the parallels are unmistakable:


& # 8211; India has been running persistently high current account deficits for many years, reaching a high of 5 percent in recent times.


& # 8211; It has been increasingly relying on external capital flows – debt and equity – to finance this deficit.


& # 8211; Its reliance on short-term debt and fickle equity flows has been rising for several years.


Its crony capitalists have invested significant sums in infrastructure assets and capacities that run the risk of turning bad due to policy paralysis and poor decisions.


& # 8211; Its banking system is undercapitalized and riddled with bad debts.


& # 8211; Many corporates carry fair amounts of unhedged foreign exchange liabilities.


& # 8211; With capital flight arising from the U. S. Fed’s taper, its central banks are also making the mistake of entering into a battle with the market in defending the fundamentally weak currency.


If there was one lesson to be learned from the Asian crisis, it was that relying on short-term capital flows to bridge an unsustainable current account gap is a sure path to disaster.


Short-term fixes and interventions in the exchange market are expensive and ultimately futile. The only sustainable remedy for a stable currency is a growing economy and low inflation, which automatically keeps the trade and current account balance in check.


For this, the government needs to urgently undertake structural reforms to increase productivity and make the domestic economy much more competitive than it is now.


Reduce subsidies, drastically reduce red tape, overhaul labour laws, aggressively privatize and significantly reduce the role of government in business. While these measures may appear to be long term in nature, the very act of moving ahead with them will restore confidence in economic agents and also have a stabilizing effect on the rupee.


What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Which model best explains the 1991 currency crisis in India? Did real overvaluation contribute to the crisis? This paper seeks the answers through error correction models and by constructing the equilibrium real exchange rate using a technique developed by Gonzalo and Granger (1995). The evidence indicates that overvaluation as well as current account deficits and investor confidence played significant roles in the sharp exchange rate depreciation. The ECM model is supported by superior out-of-sample forecast performance versus a random walk model. Copyright 2002, International Monetary Fund


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India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he Vijay Kelkar committee has cautioned that India's current account deficit (CAD) might rise to a record 4.3 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2012-13 if reforms to address this do not take place.


The panel, asked to recommend on consolidation of government finances, also observed that foreign exchange reserves and currency vulnerability resemble those in the infamous 1990-91 balance of payments crisis.


In fact, if no reforms of the type it recommends are undertaken, our economic situation could be worse than in the 1991 crisis, it has warned.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


H owever, this is the worst-case scenario, and the CAD for 2012-13 might actually lie be 3.5-4 per cent of GDP, economists said, due to a rise in services exports and slowing in imports due to a slowing economy.


More, the comparison with 1990-91 seems exaggerated, aver some, as forex reserves are comfortable at $293 billion, as of September 21.


The CAD was 3.9 per cent of GDP in the first quarter ended June, higher than the 3.8 per cent of GDP in the corresponding period last year. In value terms, the CAD was lower at $16.6 bn against $17.5 bn at the same time last year but the CAD-GDP ratio was higher, on account of a lower GDP base in dollar terms.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he rupee was in the 45-48 (to the dollar) range in the first quarter of 2011-12, whereas it was 55-56 in Q1 of 2012-13.


In case of the "do-nothing scenario", the Kelkar report said CAD, 4.2 per cent of GDP in 2011-12, could deteriorate further this year. "CAD could be possibly at 4.3 per cent of GDP this year, at a time when the world market and capitals flows are exceedingly fragile and where financing of this magnitude is creating huge risks for macroeconomic and external stability," it said.


Economists spoken to did not feel India would see a record CAD this year. "It will be about 3.5 per cent of GDP, as imports are declining due to a slowing economy," said D K Joshi, chief economist, CRISIL. YES Bank analysis projects CAD at 3.6 per cent of GDP in 2012-13, on the back of an improvement in net invisible inflows.


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India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he invisibles trade was $25.9 bn in Q1, down from $27.5 bn last year, due to slowing demand from the US and Europe.


Merchandise exports contracted 2.6 per cent in the first quarter and its imports fell 3.6 per cent, narrowing the overall trade deficit to $42.5 bn from $51.5 bn in the fourth quarter of 2011-12.


The report went on to add that forex reserves were falling, and the currency especially vulnerable. "The combination is reminiscent of the situation last seen in 1990-91," it said.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


I n the 1990-91 BoP crisis, CAD was three per cent of GDP. Our gold reserves are at $26.2 bn and forex reserves at $293 bn. In 1991, the latter were at $1.2 bn in January and had depleted 50 per cent by June, where India could finance just three weeks' worth of imports.


Also in 1991, the rupee had to be devalued by 18-19 per cent against major currencies. Today, it has begun rising again, up four per cent against the dollar in the past 15 days and having closed at a five-month high of 52.85 last week due to heavy capital inflows.


"We now the expect rupee to trade close to 52-54 by December and to gradually move towards 50-52 by March," said Shubhada Rao, chief economist, YES Bank.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


However, economists agree that the rupee has started appreciating because of the reforms announced by the government on foreign direct investment and fuel price corrections. These lifted market sentiment.


The Kelkar report said the consequences of not quickly taking credible effective measures for correcting the current fiscal deficit is likely to be a sovereign credit downgrade and flight of foreign capital.


"This will invariably further weaken the rupee and negatively impact the capital markets and the banking sector. In addition, the situation leaves little head room for counter-cyclical policy measures in the event of another global crisis," it said.


Arun Singh, senior economist, Dun and Bradstreet, said he agreed that CAD was a big concern at the moment and felt it would be around four per cent of GDP in 2012-13. "Exports to the US and Europe are falling, while upward pressure on oil prices remain," he said.


More from rediff:


Indian Economy 2012 Crisis - Is It Repeat Of 1991?


India, one of the world’s fastest growing economies in the world, and the 8 th largest in terms of nominal GDP is in an economic crisis. Hit by the slowdown in the US and financial turmoil in the Eurozone, India’s growth engine has hit a bump in its high-speed growth rate. There are also myriad internal factors which are contributing to the low GDP growth forecast.


The current economic crisis in India is very reminiscent of the 1991 crisis in India which eventually led to the end of the license raj and economic liberalization took place. While some argue that the current economic crisis is a repeat of the 1991 crisis, others put the counter argument that the economy is very different in 2012 from 1991.


Resemblance to the 1991 Crisis


The points of resemblance with respect to the macroeconomic indicators are unmistakable.


The government borrowings for 1991 increased by 12 % annually while the government borrowings increased by 32 % in the last 5 years (Source: FICCI Report) .


Average increase in non-plan expenditure in 1981-90 was 20% while the non-plan expenditure is rising by 30% presently (Source: FICCI Report).


Fiscal deficit & revenue collection shows a similar trend. The tax revenue as a percentage of GDP when compared between 1990 and present is comparable. The deficit is fueled by high quantity of oil import as the demand is rising. A similar high import for oil occurred in the pre-1991 crisis period.


Rise in Oil Imports ( CAGR )


(Source: RBI Database)


Current Account Deficit ( as a % of GDP ) Tax Revenue ( % of GDP )


The currency depreciation shows a remarkably similar trend just before the 1991 crisis and in the present situation. The data below shows the INR depreciation versus the USD. From Jan 2011 to Jul 2012 the INR depreciated by 21.7 % while the INR. from Jan 1989 to Jul 1991, depreciated by 23.5 % against USD


India continues to battle high inflation. The inflation has been stubbornly high over the last two decades as seen from the data below. The data below shows the annual change in CPI which is hovering around the double-digit mark.


Although there are stark similarities in the macroeconomic indicators, the Indian economy has undergone structural changes to an extent.


The financial markets are more robust and more resilient than in the 1991 crisis period. The Indian equity market is more developed and mature. The financial markets are more diverse than in 1991 and are more resilient.


The share of the service sector has increased from 43.7 % in 1990-91 to 57 % in 2011-12. The variability of the service sector is much less than the agriculture and the industry. As the Services sector boosts the exports and also the trade balance, the government policies tend to be very pro to the services sector. Agriculture is heavily dependent on rainfall, and deviation in the monsoons like less rainfall or a delayed monsoon causes havoc with the agri-productivity. This is very evident in the current fiscal year.


Forex Reserves are much larger in the present day versus the forex reserves just before the 1991 crisis. High forex reserves serves two purposes –


For a high import country like India, a high forex reserve serve as source to fund imports. The forex reserves are also stated in terms of months of import that it can fund. In 1990, India had forex reserves worth 1.8 months of imports while in the present scenario forex reserves are worth 9 months of imports.


High forex reserves also serves as a protection against speculative attacks against a currency. Speculative currency attacks played a major role in the 1997 Asian currency crisis.


(Source: RBI Database)


The exchange rate is now market determined unlike in 1990-91 period. Thus the INR which was overvalued in 1990-91 is not the case in the present day as the market determines the exchange rate and overvaluation/undervaluation is corrected and represented by the market determined exchange rate.


Present external vulnerability indicators of Indian economy are better than those that existed in around the 1991 crisis period. Some of the parameters that are used to track external sector vulnerability are Debt/GDP ratio, Debt service ratio, short-term debt and concessional debt as a percentage of GDP. Foreign inflow of funds is also an accepted measure of estimating the external sector vulnerability. This would include both FIIs and FDI. Concessional debt have terms more lenient than the general market loan structure like lower interest rates and extended grace period.


Both Debt Service ratio and Debt/GDP ratio should be lower - Lower the ratios, better they are.


(Source: RBI Database)


Challenges for the Policymakers


The challenges that the policymakers faced in 1991 was very different than the problems in the present day scenario. The primary challenges for the government in 1991 was funding the growing current account deficit by boosting capital inflows which led to liberalization, manage currency exchange rate & reduce pressure on its forex reserves and to reduce its external debt.


Now that all the low hanging fruits have been taken, it is time for the government to focus on some structural bottlenecks in the economy.


The major challenge for the Indian economy policy lies in managing the twin-track inflation, boosting India’s agriculture and industry output which will lead to enhanced business and consumer confidence.


Twin-track Inflation . The core inflation, which does not include fuel, processed food & primary articles, has seen a decline over the last months. The core inflation in June 2012 stood at 4.85%. The headline inflation which includes primary articles, fuel & food is substantially high at 7.23% June. Although it is lower than last two years headline inflation of 9+ % but it is more than the decade average of 5.4%. This twin-track problem prevents RBI from slashing the policy rates and boost business and consumer confidence. Looking at core inflation, if the RBI does drop the policy rate then there will be an imminent rise in headline inflation as fuel and food form a major part of household spending. Rising headline inflation will again curb consumer/private spending & the GDP as it contributes close to 62% of India’s GDP.


Boosting organic growth . The growth of manufacturing, infrastructure ad power industry has not kept pace with the GDP growth which has been boosted by the burgeoning service sector growth. The result is a heavily supply-constrained economy.


GDP per unit of energy use ( PPP dollar per kg of oil equivalent )


The data above clearly demonstrates the strain that the Indian economy is under from the lack of organic growth and the galloping service sector which has boosted the GDP values.


This article has been authored by Shovik Kar from MDI Gurgaon.


Sense of 1991 deja vu? Mr Jaitley & Rajan, create a forex war chest for India


A strong rupee with a stable external sector, current account surpluses for a few quarters and a GDP growth of over 8% in the last quarter before it was voted out marked its scorecard in the five years of 1999-2004.


Over a decade ago, when the NDA government, now back in power, lost elections, the incoming government — the UPA — didn't have much to worry about the state of the economy then.


A strong rupee with a stable external sector, current account surpluses for a few quarters and a GDP growth of over 8 per cent in the last quarter before it was voted out marked its scorecard in the five years of 1999-2004. But much of those gains have been eroded since.


Two major developments — the oil price shocks from August 2004 and the global financial crisis of in 2008 — in the subsequent decade led to a sharp deterioration of external finances. Add to it the policy paralysis during the second term of UPA, which accelerated the worsening of the external sector position.


The Modi-led NDA government now needs not just to clean up the fiscal mess, but has to face the challenge of ensuring the country's external sector balance sheet is in good order. Last week, RBI released the latest data on external debt which rose 7.6 per cent y-o-y to $440.6 billion in March-end 2014. This appears much better than the 13.5 per cent rise a year earlier.


Notably, short-term debt at $89.2 billion accounted for 20.3 per cent of the total external debt at March-end 2014 compared with 23.6 per cent in March 2013. Based on residual maturity, shortterm debt accounted for 39 per cent of total external debt in March-end 2014 compared with 42.1 per cent at March-end 2013. There are other encouraging signs, too.


The current account deficit — the excess of spending overseas than savings — declined to less than 2 per cent of GDP from about 4.7 per cent a year ago, thanks to the government's move to curb gold imports by raising import duty on gold and RBI's prudential measures, along with measures to boost dollar inflows. Yet, India's external debt indicators continue to be vulnerable.


In terms of per centage of GDP, external debt rose to 23.4 per cent, from 22 per cent last year. While the short-term share of external debt has improved recently, the current share at 20 per cent is significantly higher than what used to be a decade ago. This share was only 4 per cent in 2004. It started rising sharply since the global crisis of 2008. Other indicators, too, are far from satisfactory. Take, for instance, the ratio of foreign exchange reserves to total external debt which has almost halved to 69 per cent in March 2014 from 138 per cent in March 2008. Besides, the import cover of reserves now is only adequate to fund eight months of import compared with 15 months of imports in the period prior to the crisis in 2008. But most importantly, India's net international investment position — excess foreign currency liabilities over foreign currency assets — is rising rapidly.


Net liabilities have more than doubled from $150.2 billion in March 2010 to $331.6 billion in March 2014. India's external debt profile appears similar to that of other major emerging market economies. But its short-term external debt stock is now higher than countries such as Brazil and Russia (in terms of per centage of GDP), according to Taimur Baig and Kaushik Datta, economists at Deutsche Bank.


India's share of short-term debt relative to the stock of total external debt is also higher than other emerging market economies, with the exception of Turkey, they say. Though short-term debt was contained in FY14, it was largely due to a slowdown in imports and may again rise once there is a rebound in growth and imports pick up.


Some economists point out that since GDP is expressed in dollar terms, a weak rupee translates into a lower GDP number and hence, a lower ratio could be misleading. However, the composition of long-term term debt which is reckoned to be durable and 'safe' is also worrisome.


While the share of almost risk-free sovereign, multilateral and bilateral credit has reduced significantly over the years, it is private corporate sector debt and 'retail' component in terms of NRI deposits that has swelled over the years.


Proceeds from the FCNR (B) swap and overseas borrowing schemes were, in fact, the main contributors to the $31.2 billion increase in external debt in FY14, which were facilitated by the Reserve Bank to stabilise the Indian currency. "NRI deposits do not pose material risks (as they are generally rolled over). But the increase in the share of external commercial borrowings (ECBs) exposes the domestic corporate sector significantly to external shocks, including adverse exchange rate movements," says Samiran Chakrabarty, chief India economist, Standard Chartered Bank.


Every year about $20 billion is scheduled for repayment. The amount may not seem alarming, but the risk arises if there is a global liquidity squeeze. The recent trouble in Iraq has added another dimension to external sector woes which is that the reduction in trade deficit in FY14 may reverse again.


"Already struggling with a record low growth, high inflation. a weak currency, low manufacturing growth and possibility of sub-normal monsoon, the threat of oil supply shock and the resultant increase in prices add to the risks faced by the country, which could hamper India's envisaged improvement in economic growth in FY15," say Madan Sabnavis and Kavita Chacko of Care Ratings.


If crude price risks persist, the current account deficit which was contained in 2013-14 could deteriorate further and also add to pressure on the rupee. Care Ratings has projected a CAD for the year at 2.5 per cent of GDP assuming stable crude oil prices and a recovery in industrial production.


Higher persistent crude prices would upset this calculation. The scenario may not be as worrying as 1991, when foreign exchange reserves were just 7 per cent of total debt and India was struggling to ensure payments on imports.


Almost all economists are unananimous that the RBI should build a war chest of reserves. The Reserve Bank of India under Bimal Jalan had faced the challenges arising from the fallout of the impact of the Asian currency crisis of 1997-98 and sanctions by the US after the nuclear test.


Between 1998 and 2000, two overseas quasi sovereign bond issuances by SBI — Resurgent India Bonds in 1998 which helped raise $4.2 billion and India Millennium Bonds, another $5.5 billion — bolstered the country's foreign exchange reserves.


During that phase, India followed a conscious policy of building its reserves. India now has foreign exchange reserves of $315 billion which can support a current account deficit of $51 billion and short-term external debt of $174.6 billion, notes a Deutsche Bank report. But geopolitical risks in the Middle-East and India's heavy dependence on crude imports make its external sector more vulnerable.


As a measure of protection, building a war chest by augmenting foreign exchange reserves and strengthening the reserve adequacy position are vital. India's foreign exchange reserves have hovered between $300 billion and $320 billion for over five years now. But clearly, it needs to be bolstered.


"We need to rebuild reserves by getting more equities or FDI. Otherwise, we need to rely on very long-term sovereign debt that may attract SWFs and pensions," says Indranil Sengupta, chief India economist, Bank of America Merrill Lynch. In the final count, what will facilitate durable flows is growth, which in turn could attract more inflows and ensure a stable rupee, besides a complementary policy to boost exports.


Having clawed back after a major threat to its sovereign ratings last year, India's policy makers now need to consolidate. After the crisis of 1991, India's policy makers worked hard to ensure that its external debt vulnerabilities were reduced by building reserves and discouraging short-term debt. That was partly undone in the last couple of years, especially when CAD rose to a record high last fiscal. This is as good a time as any to restore that balance again.


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What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Did real overvaluation contribute to the 1991 currency crisis in India? This paper seeks an answer by constructing the equilibrium real exchange rate, using an error correction model and a technique developed by Gonzalo and Granger (1995). The results are affirmative and the evidence indicates that current account deficits and investor confidence also played significant roles in the sharp exchange rate depreciation. The ECM model is supported by superior out-of-sample forecast performance versus a random walk model.


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F47 - International Economics - - Macroeconomic Aspects of International Trade and Finance - - - Forecasting and Simulation: Models and Applications


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PM Manmohan Singh: This crisis was as bad as 1991 when gold was pledged


Sep 22, 2012, 12.49AM IST TNN


"I will do everything necessary to put our country back on the path of high and inclusive growth. But I need your support," PM Manmohan Singh said.


NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Friday justified his government's recent reform measures by invoking the 1991 crisis, stressing his credentials as the architect of economic reforms to assure people that he can pull off another turnaround if his prescriptions to revive faltering growth are followed.


In his rare address to the nation which signaled that more steps could be in the offing, Singh said that just as the country rebounded in 1991 after forex reserves had shrunk to cover only three weeks of imports, recent measures and similar ones will put the economy back on rails. "We are at a point where we can reverse the slowdown in our growth. We need a revival in investor confidence, domestically and globally. The decisions we have taken are necessary for this purpose," the PM said.


However, the advocacy for tough steps and reforms measures was accompanied with the insistence that the UPA, which won office twice with a commitment to protect the interests of the common man, remained "the government of the "aam aadmi".


In fact, he suggested that the hike in diesel price was actually aimed at discouraging the rich from walking away with subsidy on a fuel which is supposedly meant for the poor. "Much of the diesel is used by big cars and SUVs owned by the rich and by factories and businesses. Should government run large fiscal deficits to subsidize them," Singh said, adding that diesel price was raised only by Rs 5, instead of Rs 17 that was needed to cut the losses.


He also said that kerosene, which is used by the poor, was not touched.


In the televised address, he said the action on diesel and cooking gas was necessary to ward off an economic crisis since not doing anything would have seen petroleum subsidy going over Rs 2 lakh crore. "Where would the money for this have come from? Money does not grow on trees," the PM said as he detailed the string of dire consequences -- from inflation to unemployment to loss of investors' confidence -- that would have followed inaction.


Singh emphasized that subsidy on fuel exceeded the combined spend on health and education.


The address was part of the government's effort to brazen out the resistance to reforms measures and came on a day of reassuring developments, with the Sensex giving a high-five to the moves with a 400-point jump and Mulayam Singh Yadav pledging his support to the government.


"We need to do more, and we will do more," said an unfazed PM, stressing more reforms were necessary to achieve inclusive growth and repair public finances.


Building on the same sense of urgency, the PM invoked the economic crisis of 1991 and the benefits of the hard steps that the country had then taken with him as the finance minister. "The last time we faced this problem was in 1991. Nobody was willing to lend us even small amounts of money then. We came out of that crisis by taking strong resolute steps. You can see the positive results of those steps. We are not in that situation today, but we must act before people lose confidence in our economy," he said.


Seeking to ram home his point, he said that countries in Europe, which failed to tackle similar problems, "cannot pay their bills" and are seeking others' help. "World is not kind to those who do not tackle their own problems," he added.


On allowing FDI in multi-brand retail, he said criticism of the decision was misplaced. "In 1991, when we opened India to foreign investment in manufacturing, many were worried. But today, Indian companies are competing effectively both at home and abroad, and they are investing around the world. More importantly, foreign companies are creating jobs for our youth -- in information technology, in steel and in the auto industry. I am sure this will happen in retail trade as well," he said.


The address was not as bullish as the "the-only-thing-we-have-to-fear-is-fear-itself" rhetoric that former US President F D Roosevelt used to calm his jittery nation during the Great Depression of the 1930s. However, the PM balanced the "glass-is-half-empty" tone he used to seek people's support for hard measures with the assurance that he has it in him to turn things around.


The speech was cheered by industry captains but was slammed by political opponents, with Trinamool boss Mamata Banerjee mocking the PM's professed commitment to the aam aadmi.


Singh dipped into his accomplishment as the finance minister who put the country on the reforms trajectory. "I know what happened in 1991 and I would be falling in my duty as prime minister of his country if I did not take strong preventive action," he said


The use of first person was significant, coming from a prime minister who has often been accused of not taking charge: clearly a pitch that the person who saved the country in 1991 will not let it down now. Citing the crisis in Eurozone, he said, "I am determined to see that India will not be pushed into that situation. But I can persuade you to understand why we had to act."


Speaking in the same vein, Singh said, "I will do everything necessary to put our country back on the path of high and inclusive growth. But I need your support. Please don't be misled by those who want to confuse you by spreading fear and false information. The same tactics were adopted in 1991. They did not succeed then. They will not succeed now. I have full faith in the wisdom of the people of India."


As he appealed for people's cooperation, he promised to keep his part of the grand bargain. "As prime minister of this great country, I appeal to each one of you to strengthen my hands so that we can take our country forward and build a better and prosperous future for ourselves and for the generations to come," he said.


What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Data provided are for informational purposes only. Aunque han sido recopilados con cuidado, no se puede garantizar la precisión. The impact factor represents a rough estimation of the journal's impact factor and does not reflect the actual current impact factor. Las condiciones del editor son proporcionadas por RoMEO. Differing provisions from the publisher's actual policy or licence agreement may be applicable.


Available from: Chad P. Bown


"and as a result, India requested a stand-by arrangement from the International Monetary Fund in August of 1991. Among the conditions for the arrangement was that India had to implement major structural reforms, including trade liberalization, financial sector reform and tax reform (Cerra and Saxena, 2002). "


Article: Trade Liberalization, Antidumping, and Safeguards: Evidence from India's Tariff Reform Thanks to


[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: This paper is the first to examine empirically the relationship between import tariff cuts and the subsequent re-imposition of import protection under safeguard exceptions at the product-level. Our approach overcomes potential endogeneity problems by focusing on the case of India, a country that underwent a major exogenous tariff reform program in the early 1990s and subsequently initiated substantial use of safeguard and antidumping import restrictions. In the first part of the paper we estimate structural determinants of India's import protection using the Grossman and Helpman (1994) model. Estimates of the model on India's pre-reform tariff data from 1990 are consistent with the theory. We then re-estimate the model on the Indian tariff data after the trade liberalization is complete and find that the model no longer fits, a result consistent with theory and evidence provided in other settings that India's 1991-92 IMF arrangement can be interpreted as resulting in an exogenous shock to India's tariff policy. However, when we re-estimate the model on data from 2000-2002 that more completely reflects India's cross-product variation in import protection by including both its post-reform tariffs and its additional non-tariff barriers of antidumping and safeguard import protection, the significance of the Grossman and Helpman model determinant estimates is restored. In the paper's second section we use a reduced form model to pursue additional questions regarding India's late 1990s and early 2000s new use of antidumping and safeguard protection. While we confirm the result that products with larger tariff cuts between 1990 and 1997 are associated with a substitution toward these new forms of import protection in the early 2000s, the estimates are also economically important and provide one explanation for separate results in the literature that the magnitude of import reduction associated with India's use of antidumping is similar to the initial import expansion associated with its tariff reform. Finally, we interpret the implications of our results for the burgeoning research literature examining the effects of liberalization on India's micro-level development. seminar participants at LSE, Seoul National University, the University of Geneva, and the MWIEG meetings in Michigan for helpful comments. Olivier Cadot, Jean-Marie Grether, and Marcelo Olarreaga also shared useful data. Bown acknowledges financial support from the World Bank and thanks the WTO for hospitality while a portion of this paper was being written. All remaining errors are our own, and any opinions expressed within are our own and should not be attributed to the World Bank or the WTO.


Full-text · Article · Sep 2011


Available from: Amit Kumar Khandelwal


"However, during this period, trade policy remained restrictive. By the end of the 1980s, only 12 percent of manufactured products could be imported under an open general license and the average tariff was still among the highest in Asia at more than 90 percent (Cerra et al. 2000). However, concurrent to the gradual liberalization of the late 1980s was a rise in macroeconomic imbalances—namely fiscal and balance of payments deficits—which increased India's vulnerability to shocks. "


Article: Trade Liberalization and Firm Productivity: The Case of India


[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: This paper exploits India's rapid, comprehensive, and externally imposed trade reform to establish a causal link between changes in tariffs and firm productivity. Pro-competitive forces, resulting from lower tariffs on final goods, as well as access to better inputs, due to lower input tariffs, both appear to have increased firm-level productivity, with input tariffs having a larger impact. The effect was strongest in import-competing industries and industries not subject to excessive domestic regulation. While we find no evidence of a differential impact according to state-level characteristics, we observe complementarities between trade liberalization and additional industrial policy reforms. © 2011 The President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.


Full-text · Article · Aug 2011 · Review of Economics and Statistics


Available from: hawaii. edu


"The rise in oil prices—related to the 1990-91 Gulf War—resulted in the depletion of India's foreign currency reserves (Cerra and Saxena 2002). In addition, India was downgraded as an investment destination by two leading international credit rating agencies (Government of India 1992). "


Article: Neoliberal Utopia and Urban Realities in Delhi


[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Since 1991, the city of Delhi in India has become a focal point of economic liberalization. Economic liberalization has been accompanied by local government efforts to attract both foreign and domestic investment, particularly in the service sectors of the economy. The attraction of investment has been achieved by spatial reconfiguration, pitting the interest of global and domestic capital against the interest of deprived populations. I herein analyze the unfolding of the neoliberal economic regime in India, the production of space in Delhi, and the ways in which planning and governance in Delhi, geared to attracting foreign investment, have affected slum and industry location and public transport networks. Such spatial reconfiguration has been carried out as part of an effort to make Delhi cleaner. I argue, however, that the current environmental agenda has been co-opted by neoliberals to assert class power by militarizing space to the detriment of the poor.


Preview · Article · Jan 2011 · ACME


Note: This list is based on the publications in our database and might not be exhaustive.


What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Volume: 00 Series: IMF Working Papers Author(s): Sweta Chaman Saxena, and Valerie Cerra Publisher: INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND Published Date: October 2000 DOI: http://dx. doi. org/10.5089/9781451857481.001 ISBN: 9781451857481 ISSN: 1018-5941 Page: 27


Did real overvaluation contribute to the 1991 currency crisis in India? This paper seeks an answer by constructing the equilibrium real exchange rate, using an error correction model and a technique developed by Gonzalo and Granger (1995). The results are affirmative and the evidence indicates that current account deficits and investor confidence also played significant roles in the sharp exchange rate depreciation. The ECM model is supported by superior out-of-sample forecast performance versus a random walk model.


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India May See a Repeat of 1991 Crises


As I stated in this post. India's forex reserves are more or less equal to its external debt.


In other words, most of India forex reserves are made up of " borrowed dollars ", which haven't been " earned ".


China has a large trade surplus and actually "earns" and "owns" its forex reserves.


Even if INR continues to depreciate against the USD, there isn't much that RBI can do about it.


RBI is considering imposing controls on capital outflows, but such moves will do more harm than good in the long-term.


"Certain restrictions to prevent outflow of foreign exchange are on the table. Restrictions cannot be ruled out if the situation deteriorates further," said one financial ministry official privy to the upcoming meeting's agenda.


India depends on its capital account surplus to balance its current account deficit. If both its capital account and current account turn negative, India could face a serious crisis.


If Europe's debt troubles deteriorate, India could be hit with a balance of payments crisis as severe as the one that forced a sharp devaluation in 1991.


India relies heavily on portfolio inflows -- foreign purchases of shares and bonds -- as a means of covering its current account gap. Those flows are fickle.


I think our goose is cooked and a repeat is 1991 crisis is highly likely.


Consider the facts:


1. We have a fiscal deficit (government spending is greater than revenue). Given the government's populist policies, this deficit is largely out of control. 2. We have a current account deficit . Considering that our imports are crucial inputs like oil, coal, essential machinery etc. this deficit is largely out of control. 3. Out capital account consists largely of portfolio investments and borrowings but very little FDI. As Alchemist pointed out, even our Reserves are not reliable.


The only long-term solution possible for our country (other than an act of God that gives wisdom to our politician to control fiscal deficit) is to try and balance out the fiscal and current account deficits by the capital account. A key component of this would be to seek FDI.


But FDI is now a bad word.


I see no solution to our problems. If things continue as they are now, a crisis is inevitable.


8th December 2011, 06:06 PM


Join Date: Sep 2006


Originally Posted by sudhashbahu


I think our goose is cooked and a repeat is 1991 crisis is highly likely.


Consider the facts:


1. We have a fiscal deficit (government spending is greater than revenue). Given the government's populist policies, this deficit is largely out of control. 2. We have a current account deficit . Considering that our imports are crucial inputs like oil, coal, essential machinery etc. this deficit is largely out of control.


In my opinion, both India's fiscal deficit and inflation are difficult to control.


The root causes of both the problems are the same - government's non-productive populist ("socialist") policies and programs.


The currency market is already warning us of a crisis ahead. Many analysts are predicting levels of 58-59 for the INR in next few weeks.


I also think that the Indian Rupee has a significant downside in the medium-term.


A further fall in the INR will only make things worse for the economy. Import costs will go through the roof. The government will have no choice but the pass on some of the costs to the people. Rest of the costs will have to be absorbed by the government and that will further widen the fiscal deficit.


Indian markets crashed today and I suspect a few large investors are exiting the Indian markets with an intention to buyback the shares after the INR corrects more.


(Of course if Eurozone leaders find some sort of a temporary solution for the debt problems in the region, these investors will rush back to buy Indian stocks).


I am less worried about the current account deficit . A weaker rupee will be a big boost for exporters and certain types of imports will become unattractive.


Keep an eye on stocks of export-oriented companies. These companies will benefit a lot (in the long-term) from a weaker Rupee.


Going forward, a currency crisis is possible in India, but I don't think it will be as severe as in 1991.


In the last 2 decades a lot of investment has been done in the economy.


India now has a large number of companies that can compete globally - at least in areas where advanced technology is not required.


If the INR falls another 15% from current levels, Indian exporters will be able to compete even with their Chinese counterparts.


As a net exporter of services, I will be more than happy to see a level of Rs 60 for the USD. .


A falling INR will make things miserable for the government and the public as a whole, but will greatly benefit export-oriented businesses.


Originally Posted by man4urheart


Well my charts and count did projected the levels!


It(USDINR) will also back up since it has been rising!


Just for the record, Greece will smoothly exit Euro and a biggest rally will appear in our market and lot of other markets!


Again all minds are aligned like herd on one side!


¿Cuáles son tus pensamientos? Not about what is happening, but what will happen?


I am not very optimistic of India's long term prospects, however even I am considering investing in a small SIP going by the way people have suddenly turned negative .


24th May 2012, 12:20 AM


Join Date: Dec 2007


Bullish on India and Indian equities.


Fully invested for the time being. Will continue with SIPs in tax-saving MFs and STPs in balanced funds (father's pf).


24th May 2012, 11:21 AM


Join Date: Dec 2007


Originally Posted by Alchemist


USD has crossed 56 against the INR.


The INR is now completely at the mercy of the Eurozone.


If the Eurozone implodes, the rupee will touch levels that nobody even thought about a few months back.


Won't that be good for exporters or anyone else whose customers are paying in dollars?


24th May 2012, 03:24 PM


Join Date: Sep 2006


Originally Posted by vinvest


Won't that be good for exporters or anyone else whose customers are paying in dollars?


Yes, but the INR needs to fall sharply before India's exporters can become competitive against their Asian peers.


A 3%-5% devaluation means little especially when India is competing with currency-manipulating countries like China.


India's trade deficit has reached an unsustainable level. Either India has to sharply reduces its imports or devalue its currency in a big way to boost its exports. The deficit is too big to be financed by capital flows in the long-term.


India's trade deficit for FY 2011-2012 was $185 billion .


In absolute terms, no other country in the world expect the US has such a high trade deficit.


See this data and see where India is placed in the list:


Assocham estimates that India's trade deficit will grow to $262 billion in FY 2012-2013.


Contrary to some conservative projections, industry body Assocham today said it expects India's trade deficit to increase sharply by over 40 per cent to $262 billion in the current fiscal in the face of exports facing headwinds in the western markets.


How can the INR be expected to remain stable with such mammoth trade deficits?


Imagine what will happen if capital flows turn negative in a big way too?


Originally Posted by finfree


Assuming that we cannot reduce our imports due to ever raising demand of oil and gold among others and increasing subsidies to retain vote share. what are the implications of devaluing the rupee. How does it effect the common man other than boosting the exports. Gracias


A rupee devaluation will hurt the common man in the short and medium term, but the long-term benefits will be much greater.


Most developing and developed countries in Asia have been export powerhouses for long periods in the past.


Most of the major economies in Asia still have a trade surplus.


China has a trade surplus. Taiwan has a trade surplus. Singapore has a trade surplus. South Korea has a trade surplus. Indonesia has a trade surplus. Malaysia has a trade surplus. Thailand has a trade surplus.


Even Japan had a trade surplus till the massive earthquake in 2011 disrupted exports and forced Japan to increase its energy imports.


Hong Kong has a trade deficit, but Hong Kong has an entirely different economic model and is not comparable to other countries in Asia.


Countries like US have less to worry about trade deficits as their currencies are globally accepted.


Things are different for countries like India.


In the long-term, India can either have a stable currency or a large trade deficit . India can't have both.


For a country that imports far higher than its exports, how will a depreciating currency hold long-term benefits? Especially when imports are largely inelastic (oil, gold) and capital flows are not plugging the gap.


Our exports become cheaper. The hope is that this should increase their demand more than that percentage by which dollar value of the same export has gone down.


i. e. if you are exporting 5 kg of coal per year @ Rs. 10 per kg (or at 1$ per kg) and 1$ = Rs. 10


Then if 1$ = Rs. 15


Now you can sell coal at $.0.67 per kg.


If this doubles demand (very probable - the price has gone down considerably for the buyers), then you are now exporting 6.7$ worth of coal instead of 5$ worth of coal.


Put another way, does China have the ability to devalue because it has a huge positive trade gap or does it have huge positive trade gap because it devalues?


Last edited by vinvest. 26th May 2012 at 01:32 PM.


Originally Posted by vinvest


Our exports become cheaper. The hope is that this should increase their demand more than that percentage by which dollar value of the same export has gone down.


i. e. if you are exporting 5 kg of coal per year @ Rs. 10 per kg (or at 1$ per kg) and 1$ = Rs. 10


Then if 1$ = Rs. 15


Now you can sell coal at $.0.67 per kg.


If this doubles demand (very probable - the price has gone down considerably for the buyers), then you are now exporting 6.7$ worth of coal instead of 5$ worth of coal.


You can't just pass the full benefit to the buyer. Since money is losing its value other input costs would go up too.


27th May 2012, 10:24 AM


Join Date: Sep 2006


Originally Posted by sudhashbahu


For a country that imports far higher than its exports, how will a depreciating currency hold long-term benefits? Especially when imports are largely inelastic (oil, gold) and capital flows are not plugging the gap.


A large part of imports are inelastic, but not all imports.


Also exports can vary a lot depend on the exchange rates.


Just turnaround your mouse and you will know what I mean. I am sure it will say "Made in China".


It is totally possible to manufacture and export such simple products from India, but China has priced India out of the global market by undervaluing its currency.


If India allows it currency to take its natural direction, India too can become a manufacturing hub like China.


You can't just pass the full benefit to the buyer. Since money is losing its value other input costs would go up too.


Cost of imported inputs will go up, but many other costs like labor costs will not increase at the same rate as the currency depreciates.


Originally Posted by Alchemist


A large part of imports are inelastic, but not all imports.


Also exports can vary a lot depend on the exchange rates.


Just turnaround your mouse and you will know what I mean. I am sure it will say "Made in China".


It is totally possible to manufacture and export such simple products from India, but China has priced India out of the global market by undervaluing its currency.


If India allows it currency to take its natural direction, India too can become a manufacturing hub like China.


Cost of imported inputs will go up, but many other costs like labor costs will not increase at the same rate as the currency depreciates.


As a whole country, what is the net effect?


Lets say the rupee value halved. Cost of imports would rise significantly. Will the rise in exports offset this added cost?


Even if demand for our goods increased, do we have the capacity to supply increased demand?


Originally Posted by vinvest


The common man doesn't understand that currency devaluation is good for us. To the guy on the street, when the rupee becomes stronger, his chest swells with pride because he thinks that the it means that the country is stronger. What he doesn't realize is that China (which is so ahead of India that's its unreachable for India in the near and medium term) has become stronger due to currency devaluation (amongst lot of other things of course).


Even the Govt doesn't allow currency to go down too much because they it reflects negatively on them in the eyes of the common man.


Devaluation of the Chinese currency is good for them because they are net exporters. Devaluation of our currency would be quite detrimental because we are net importers. We are currently running a twin deficit.


1) A fiscal deficit. 2) Current account deficit.


Both would be affected negatively by a currency devaluation. (In the long term however, the current account may be benefited because as imports become expensive people try to cut them down and exporters are encouraged by the devalued currency thereby theoretically decreasing the current account gap. However this depends on the relative elasticity of the price of the imports/exports.)


We try to counter the current account deficit by a capital account surplus but a currency devaluation would negatively affect that too.


The only respite is for the export oriented businesses.


As for the common man, the affect of devaluation of a currency depends on how he relies on it. If he is an NRI and gets his income in dollars he would enjoy the benefits of the weakened rupee. If he lives in India and works in an export oriented company, he will benefit as well. But for everyone else its of no benefit. (the degree of impact would be proportional to his reliance on imports).


Last edited by arcus. 27th May 2012 at 06:47 PM.


Originally Posted by vinvest


Our exports become cheaper. The hope is that this should increase their demand more than that percentage by which dollar value of the same export has gone down.


i. e. if you are exporting 5 kg of coal per year @ Rs. 10 per kg (or at 1$ per kg) and 1$ = Rs. 10


Then if 1$ = Rs. 15


Now you can sell coal at $.0.67 per kg.


If this doubles demand (very probable - the price has gone down considerably for the buyers), then you are now exporting 6.7$ worth of coal instead of 5$ worth of coal. .


To follow the example, if India were exporting coal and the Rupee falls, are our importers likely to import more coal?


Coal is used primarily to generate energy and the demand is tied to existing energy generating capacity. Setting up additional capacity takes a long time and no one does it simply because at some point in time, coal is cheap.


What is most likely to happen is that those energy producers will enter in to futures contracts to lock-in some of the low prices.


Originally Posted by sudhashbahu


To follow the example, if India were exporting coal and the Rupee falls, are our importers likely to import more coal?


Coal is used primarily to generate energy and the demand is tied to existing energy generating capacity. Setting up additional capacity takes a long time and no one does it simply because at some point in time, coal is cheap.


- If I was Country X and I was importing coal from Sri Lanka at 1$ per kg. Now India has devalued their currency and started selling coal at 0.67$ per kg, I would transfer my order to India. So India's exports will increase, irrespective of whether the importer has increased their capacity or not.


- Capacities do get increased when prices change. Por ejemplo, When petroleum went high few years back, that's when a lot of Wind Energy, Solar Energy capacities got added. In the USA, now that natural gas has become cheaper, coal capacities aren't increasing (they would have increased otherwise).


- Coal was just an example - substitute it with whatever else is used at places which doesn't require a lot of initial investment. Or even take this example - the quotation which an Indian call center would given an American company would become cheaper than a Filipino one. So India can get back some of the call center business from the Philippines.


Originally Posted by vinvest


few things. - If I was Country X and I was importing coal from Sri Lanka at 1$ per kg. Now India has devalued their currency and started selling coal at 0.67$ per kg, I would transfer my order to India. So India's exports will increase, irrespective of whether the importer has increased their capacity or not.


Would you really? Cheap raw material due to currency fluctuations are opportunistic. But nobody wants to put all eggs in one basket.


The Rupee is not the only currency depreciating. I think net-net no real competitive export benefit being accrued to India.


Originally Posted by vinvest


- Capacities do get increased when prices change. Por ejemplo, When petroleum went high few years back, that's when a lot of Wind Energy, Solar Energy capacities got added. In the USA, now that natural gas has become cheaper, coal capacities aren't increasing (they would have increased otherwise).


I did not understand this.


Originally Posted by vinvest


- Coal was just an example - substitute it with whatever else is used at places which doesn't require a lot of initial investment. Or even take this example - the quotation which an Indian call center would given an American company would become cheaper than a Filipino one. So India can get back some of the call center business from the Philippines.


What does India export that the world "needs" and would translate in to benefits for India if the currency falls?


BTW, the advantage of Phillipines is that they are culturally very aligned with the US. Customer's are very comfortable with Phillipines BPO centers. I doubt Rupee becoming cheaper is going to get significant business back.


I did not understand this.


The threshold price for any energy alternative is the lowest price amongst all energies (not just the cost of the energy alternative per se, but the cost to convert it into a unit of energy & provide it to customers)


i. e. in the US petrol was around 1.5$ a gallon( a gallon is around 4 litres). So assume you can produce energy by burning petrol. and 1 Gallon produces 1 Unit of energy.


(again petrol is just an example - don't get stuck on petrol)


Now if one had to consider solar, solar would be feasible only if the cost of solar energy was less than 1.5$ per unit of energy. For many years, solar didn't take off because Solar energy cost per unit was much higher than other forms of energy (coal, petroleum etc). Then few years back, petroleum prices shot up (also at the same time solar panel prices also reduced). Suddenly solar became somewhat feasible - or at good enough to speculate that in a few years when panels become even cheaper, it would end up economically viable.


That's when a lot of solar panel producers suddenly started operations or increased capacities throughout the world.


i. e. Many Wind Energy & Solar Energy Installations owe their existence to high petroleum prices. In other words, capacities do increase/decrease based on price fluctuations of different forms of energy.


Originally Posted by sudhashbahu


What does India export that the world "needs" and would translate in to benefits for India if the currency falls?


India exports around 300 billion dollars of stuff per year. I am assuming some of it most of it is what the world needs. Or are people importing from India for other reasons I don't know about.


Originally Posted by sudhashbahu


BTW, the advantage of Phillipines is that they are culturally very aligned with the US. Customer's are very comfortable with Phillipines BPO centers. I doubt Rupee becoming cheaper is going to get significant business back.


Americans are more culturally aligned with Americans as compared to both Indians and Filipinos - so why aren't the call centers not located in the US itself?


As an aside, when I was in the US, I experienced a lot of phone support from American Call Centers (outsourcing of call centers hadn't started). Few years later, I also experienced Indian call centers from the US.


On the average, the American call centers were far superior in terms of resolving your issues. It wasn't a cheap operation (the only terrible service I have experienced was from ATT). People were good at their job - they didn't read out of a list of steps or a script. In the end, they moved to India because of cost. And if we become 1/2 the cost of Philippines, we will get back the business - it doesn't matter if they are more culturally aligned.


Cost of imported inputs will go up, but many other costs like labor costs will not increase at the same rate as the currency depreciates.


That is the reason I mentioned it as can't pass "FULL" benefit to the buyer.


As mentioned by arcus, all in all India is a net importing country.


What I think is that, if the Rupee is devalued first thing oil would cost more.


If oil costs more then it is linked to all of the items of a common man uses (vegetables, milk, other eatable items, bus/"auto" fare).


Loans which are taken in Foreign currency would cost more.


NRIs sending money to India would remain same but it would be converted to more money in India and wouldn't make imbalance in the system?


Even exports need to pay more to labors and their transportation costs would increase.


Also noticing the currency devaluation company at USA won't continue to pay the same amount. They would negotiate to bring down the cost.


If some country (for an example China) is losing business because of Rupee devaluation do they keep quite without any action?


That is the reason I mentioned it as can't pass "FULL" benefit to the buyer.


As mentioned by arcus, all in all India is a net importing country.


This becomes a did the chicken come first or the egg come first argument. The question to answer is - Is India a net importing country because our currency is high or - Do we have to keep our currency high because we are a net importing currency.


What I think is that, if the Rupee is devalued first thing oil would cost more.


If oil costs more then it is linked to all of the items of a common man uses (vegetables, milk, other eatable items, bus/"auto" fare).


Even with current world oil prices, a litre of petrol/diesel costs somewhere between Rs.20-25 going out of the the gate of the oil companies(HPCL, BPCL etc). Everything else is taxes and surcharges.


If some country (for an example China) is losing business because of Rupee devaluation do they keep quite without any action?


That's the point. They keep devaluing and we continue to keep quiet, right?


Indian rupee volatility: No throw back to 1991 crisis, says PM Manmohan Singh


'During 1991 crisis foreign exchange in India was a fixed rate.'


Written by PTI | New Delhi | Published on:August 17, 2013 12:27 pm


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh today ruled out the possibility of India witnessing a repeat of the 1991 balance of payments crisis and also reversing the path to globalisation of the economy.


“There is no no question of going back to1991 (balance of payment crisis). At that time foreign exchange in India was a fixed rate. Now it is linked to market. We only correct the volatility of the rupee,” he told PTI.


Rupee dropped to a lifetime low of 62.03


In 1991,Singh said, the country had only foreign exchange reserves for 15 days. “Now we have reserves of six to seven months. So there is no comparison. And no go question of going back to 1991 crisis.”


Against the backdrop of the high Current Account Deficit (CAD) the Prime Minister was asked about fears in some quarters that the country may be witnessing a throw back to 1991 crisis when gold was pledged and the country was forced to adopt a reforms programme that put it on the path of globalisation of economy.


He was speaking after release of the fourth volume of RBI history titled “RBI History-Looking Back and Looking Ahead” at a small function at his Race Course residence.


When asked that the Current Account Deficit was still high, Singh acknowledged the problem saying high imports of gold was one of the major factors contributing to it.


Not just in RBI, across sectors a reversal of reform


“We seem to be investing a lot in unproductive assets,” Añadió.


He then turned to a leading economic journalist and said,”Ask him. He is the guru.”


High gold imports pushed CAD to a record high of 4.8 per cent of the GDP (USD 88.2 billion) in 2012-13 when India imported 845 tonnes of yellow metal. Import of gold in April-July 2013-14 it rose 87 per cent to 383 tonnes.


In order to curb import of gold and contain CAD to USD 70 billion, the government raised customs duty on precious metals like gold, silver and platinum to 10 per cent.


RBI also imposed restrictions on import of gold coins, medallions and dorebars saying importers would require licence from Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT).


Widening CAD is putting pressure on Rupee and to check its free fall government has been taking a series of measures to increase the inflow of foreign exchange as well as check its outflow.


The RBI on Wednesday announced stern measures, including curbs on Indian firms investing abroad and on outward remittances by resident Indians.


About: 1991 Indian economic crisis


By 1985, India had started having balance of payments problems. By the end of 1990, it was in a serious economic crisis. The government was close to default, its central bank had refused new credit and foreign exchange reserves had been reduced to such a point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports which lead the Indian government to airlift national gold reserves as a pledge to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in exchange for a loan to cover balance of payment debts.


By 1985, India had started having balance of payments problems. By the end of 1990, it was in a serious economic crisis. The government was close to default, its central bank had refused new credit and foreign exchange reserves had been reduced to such a point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports which lead the Indian government to airlift national gold reserves as a pledge to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in exchange for a loan to cover balance of payment debts.


The Indian Economy Crisis of 1991


In 1951, 77.4 % of our population was provided livelihood by Agriculture so India was an Agrarian economy.


There was menace of Zaminadari which was introduced by Lord Cornwallis in Bengal in 1773 . and was abolished in 1950, during the First Five Year Plan . The Industry was given top priority in the second five year plan.


Nehru is known to have realized the importance of the private sector but also containing their growth as “private enterprise on big scale leads to private monopolies”. So, obviously Public Sector was given due importance in the Industrial Policies of India. But India was known for lavish spending. The result was a bad effect on the country which some experts call “ Nehru’s Folly “. The path could be changed but was not changed. These impacts were:


India was not able to afford the huge investments required for the Big Industries. In 1947, the deposit of ` 3450 Crore of the country was spent lavishly and was turned into a debt in due course of time. This debt never came down and loans piled up.


Except the first plan, the growth in agriculture was not satisfactory and it was never above 2-3 % during Nehru Era.


The Huge Industries did not generate employments. The use of machines curtailed the human labour and it was against the “dream of Gandhi who wanted to make every village an independent unit. Ample Human Resource was never utilized in India promptly as in case of some war devastated courtiers like Japan.


Public sector soon came under the grip of corruption and red tape.


The disparity between the rich and poor was not removed and it kept increasing.


Imports could not be contained and there balance of trade was never in favor of India.


The successive governments took measures and a process of slow liberalization was set off. It took India 4 decades to liberalize the economy in a proper way.


In early 1990s, India came under sudden Political Instability. In November 1989, Rajiv Gandhi was defeated and this was basically an end of long term “Centrism” in Politics of the Country. VP Singh, who was also known as architect of Liberalization in 1980s became the Prime Minister, leading a minority coalition.


On 2 August 1990, Iraqi forces invaded and annexed Kuwait. Saddam Hussein, then President of Iraq, deposed the Amir of Kuwait, Jaber Al-Sabah, and installed Ali Hassan al-Majid as the new governor of Kuwait.


The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait pushed up the Oil Prices and 1.5 Lakhs of Indians in Kuwait lost their jobs as well as savings.


At home, Devi Lal was eager to replace VP Singh and VP Singh played the game of achieving short term election benefits. Important feature of this populist game were the “Mandal Issue” to woo the OBCs and peasantry class which in North India was more or less represented by Devi Lal. Another economically important feature was waiving of agriculture loans in 1990. The peasants got rid of the debts but badly damaged the condition of the agriculture credit in the country. This waiver was financed by the government by increasing the Budget Deficit. The peasants paid nominal amounts and there was no substantial contribution on Government accounts. V P Singh government (Finance Minister was Madhu Dandwate) failed in this game of short term political gains.


Increase in the Oil Prices swept the Foreign Currency Reserves of the country. The NRIs withdrew the funds and in October 1990, flow of NRI deposits turned negative. The Credit rating got negative and India was on the verge of defaulting its international Commitments.


There was an effort made by Chandrashekhar Government to stop this crisis, by asking the IMF for a loan of 33.3 billion rupees. So ultimately India was forced by circumstances to borrow against the security of the Gold Reserves. In 1991, the Chandrashekhar government was toppled by the Congress, partially due to a sympathy wave in the country, on account of assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. In 1991, Currency was devaluated and this followed partial convertibility of Rupee (Both these terms are studied in our Public Finance Modules).


The new government under P V Narsimha Rao (who before this appointment, was thinking to retire) and Finance Minister Dr. Man Mohan Singh, presented an emergency budget in July 1991. In this budget following announcements were made:


The Budget was aimed at reducing the Budget Deficit by cutting the subsidies and raising the administered prices. Price of the fertilizers was increased by a whopping 30%.


The Budget announced privatization of 20% of selected PSU’s and it was expected to raise ` 25 billion by this.


The tax rates were revised and this would generate additional ` 20 Billion.


Rupee was devaluated by 18% in two steps.


Government borrowed ` 22.2 billion from IMF in July & September 1991.


The negative flow in foreign remittances by NRIs contained.


The ` 25 billion Foreign exchange rose to ` 95 billion by the end of the year.


This was enough for the government to announce more measures and take the country to the path of liberalization.


During the crisis, the financial support did not come from India without a cost. It had some tags of conditions such as restructuring the economy, devaluation of rupee and liberalization of the economy.


Comentarios


Indian Rupee (INR)


A Brief History of the Indian Rupee (INR)


The history of the Indian rupee dates back to circa 6 th century BC, making ancient India one of the first issuers of coins in the world. In the following centuries as different empires rose and fell, India’s coins changed frequently (silver coins, gold coins, copper coins and lead coins).


The Indian rupee was considered the official currency of the Republic of India in the 16 th century, introduced by Sher Shah Suri. In 1825, British India adopted a silver standard based on the rupee that was used, despite the silver crisis of 1873, until the 20 th century.


Despite the fact India was a British colony until 1947; it never adopted the British Pound Sterling. At the end of British rule and on becoming a republic in 1950, all currencies from previous self-governing states within India were abolished and replaced with the Indian Rupee. The Indian Rupee also replaced the French Indian Rupee in 1954 and the Portuguese Indian Escudo in 1961, both of which were used as currency in India.


The Indian Rupee was a restricted currency until 1991, when the country began lifting restrictions. India instituted reforms allowing current account transactions that included remittances and interest payments, as well as capital asset based transactions. The currency attained partial convertibility in 1992.


In 1997, a panel was formed recommending the Indian Rupee’s full convertibility by the year 2000, but this plan was later abandoned in the wake of the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. India has moved forward since 2006 towards the Indian Rupee’s full capital account convertibility.


The Indian Rupee in the Global Foreign Exchange Market


The Indian Rupee ranks 15th among the most actively traded currencies in the foreign exchange market, accounting for 0.9% of the daily market trading volume.


The Indian Rupee trades most actively against the U. S. Dollar as the counter currency. In the FX market, this pair is typically known as Dollar Rupee. The Indian Rupee lacks a popular nickname in the market, so it is generally referred to as the Indian Rupee or just the Rupee.


Foreign nationals are not legally allowed to import or export Rupees from India due to currency controls, although locals are permitted a limited amount.


Also, the Indian Rupee’s exchange rate with respect to the U. S. Dollar is a managed float or de facto controlled exchange rate. The Reserve Bank of India routinely trades in the forex market in USD/INR to ensure relatively low volatility in that exchange rate.


Fact Table:


Currency Name: Indian Rupee Currency Code: INR Currency Symbol: ₹ Central Bank: The Reserve Bank of India Countries Used In: The Republic of India. Unofficially used in Bhutan and Nepal Major Unit: One Indian Rupee Minor Unit: One Paise = 1/100 of one Indian Rupee Note Denominations: 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500 and 1000 Coin Denominations: 50 paise,1, 2, 5, 10, 50, 75, 100 and 1000.


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What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Abstract: Did real overvaluation contribute to the 1991 currency crisis in India? This paper seeks an answer by constructing the equilibrium real exchange rate, using an error correction model and a technique developed by Gonzalo and Granger (1995). The results are affirmative and the evidence indicates that current account deficits and investor confidence also played significant roles in the sharp exchange rate depreciation. The ECM model is supported by superior out-of-sample forecast performance versus a random walk model.


Related works: Journal Article: What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India? (2002) This item may be available elsewhere in EconPapers: Search for items with the same title.


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Indian Rupee devaluation crisis: Use Forex reserves to curb Rupee's volatility, says Kaushik Basu


PTI New Delhi, Monday, August 19, 2013


Compartir


Former Chief Economic Advisor to the PM, Kaushik Basu.


With the rupee sliding below the 63 mark against US dollar, World Bank Chief Economist Kaushik Basu today said the country should use forex reserves to curb volatility in the currency market and not to look to IMF for funds.


"To use certain amount of your forex to buy and sell dollar I think (is) a good idea. (It) gives out signal that reserve has a purpose. That is broadly the direction we should go and use reserves to curb turbulence", he said while delivering the 16th JRD Tata Memorial Lecture here.


Basu, who was Chief Economic Adviser in the Finance Ministry before taking over his assignment with the World Bank, said the government should not "overreact" to depreciation of rupee.


Continuing its free fall, the rupee today breached 63-mark a dollar to end at all time low of 63.13, recording the decade's worst single-day fall of 148 paise, heightening fears that more capital control steps could be in the offing.


"There was a sudden depreciation in exchange rate but we must not overreact to that. We do need steps to correct it.


Rupee hits record all-time low against dollar, falls to 63


The certain amount of buying and selling of foreign exchange is the technique that is done in floating exchange rate market. that method could be strategic intervention," he said.


On the possibility of India approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for money, Basu said: "I don't think we are in a situation where there is any need for that. India has enough foreign exchange reserve. So, the question of having to turn to IMF is not there."


India has a foreign exchange reserve of about USD 280 billion.


Basu dismissed the suggestion that India was facing the same problems as it witnessed in 1991 when the country's forex reserves dipped to a meagre USD 3 billion.


"Are we back to 1991? That is completely a non-question because if you just look at a couple of numbers, then you say there is absolutely no comparison. Foreign exchange reserves in 1991 was down to USD 3 billion, India now sits on USD 280 billion foreign exchange reserve," he said.


Pointing out that India's economic growth rate slipped to 5 per cent in 2012-13, he said, "that's a very poor performance. However, in 1991, the growth was much lower than 5 per cent".


Recently, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh too had ruled out the possibility of India witnessing a repeat of the 1991 balance of payments crisis and reversing the economic liberalisation programme.


Referring to the tenure of RBI Governor D Subbarao, Basu said, he successfully upheld "dignity, honour and autonomy" of the Reserve Bank.


"Dignity of RBI, autonomy (of RBI) is extremely important.


During the tenure of Dr Subbarao, it was upheld," he said, dismissing the contention that there was disagreement between Prime Minister and RBI Governor over the issue of containing inflation at the cost of growth.


"I like to believe that. there will absolutely no disagreement between PM and Dr Subbarao", he added.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he Vijay Kelkar committee has cautioned that India's current account deficit (CAD) might rise to a record 4.3 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2012-13 if reforms to address this do not take place.


The panel, asked to recommend on consolidation of government finances, also observed that foreign exchange reserves and currency vulnerability resemble those in the infamous 1990-91 balance of payments crisis.


In fact, if no reforms of the type it recommends are undertaken, our economic situation could be worse than in the 1991 crisis, it has warned.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


H owever, this is the worst-case scenario, and the CAD for 2012-13 might actually lie be 3.5-4 per cent of GDP, economists said, due to a rise in services exports and slowing in imports due to a slowing economy.


More, the comparison with 1990-91 seems exaggerated, aver some, as forex reserves are comfortable at $293 billion, as of September 21.


The CAD was 3.9 per cent of GDP in the first quarter ended June, higher than the 3.8 per cent of GDP in the corresponding period last year. In value terms, the CAD was lower at $16.6 bn against $17.5 bn at the same time last year but the CAD-GDP ratio was higher, on account of a lower GDP base in dollar terms.


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India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he rupee was in the 45-48 (to the dollar) range in the first quarter of 2011-12, whereas it was 55-56 in Q1 of 2012-13.


In case of the "do-nothing scenario", the Kelkar report said CAD, 4.2 per cent of GDP in 2011-12, could deteriorate further this year. "CAD could be possibly at 4.3 per cent of GDP this year, at a time when the world market and capitals flows are exceedingly fragile and where financing of this magnitude is creating huge risks for macroeconomic and external stability," it said.


Economists spoken to did not feel India would see a record CAD this year. "It will be about 3.5 per cent of GDP, as imports are declining due to a slowing economy," said D K Joshi, chief economist, CRISIL. YES Bank analysis projects CAD at 3.6 per cent of GDP in 2012-13, on the back of an improvement in net invisible inflows.


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India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


T he invisibles trade was $25.9 bn in Q1, down from $27.5 bn last year, due to slowing demand from the US and Europe.


Merchandise exports contracted 2.6 per cent in the first quarter and its imports fell 3.6 per cent, narrowing the overall trade deficit to $42.5 bn from $51.5 bn in the fourth quarter of 2011-12.


The report went on to add that forex reserves were falling, and the currency especially vulnerable. "The combination is reminiscent of the situation last seen in 1990-91," it said.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


I n the 1990-91 BoP crisis, CAD was three per cent of GDP. Our gold reserves are at $26.2 bn and forex reserves at $293 bn. In 1991, the latter were at $1.2 bn in January and had depleted 50 per cent by June, where India could finance just three weeks' worth of imports.


Also in 1991, the rupee had to be devalued by 18-19 per cent against major currencies. Today, it has begun rising again, up four per cent against the dollar in the past 15 days and having closed at a five-month high of 52.85 last week due to heavy capital inflows.


"We now the expect rupee to trade close to 52-54 by December and to gradually move towards 50-52 by March," said Shubhada Rao, chief economist, YES Bank.


Click NEXT to read more.


India's economic situation could be worse than 1991: Kelkar


Updated on: October 1, 2012


However, economists agree that the rupee has started appreciating because of the reforms announced by the government on foreign direct investment and fuel price corrections. These lifted market sentiment.


The Kelkar report said the consequences of not quickly taking credible effective measures for correcting the current fiscal deficit is likely to be a sovereign credit downgrade and flight of foreign capital.


"This will invariably further weaken the rupee and negatively impact the capital markets and the banking sector. In addition, the situation leaves little head room for counter-cyclical policy measures in the event of another global crisis," it said.


Arun Singh, senior economist, Dun and Bradstreet, said he agreed that CAD was a big concern at the moment and felt it would be around four per cent of GDP in 2012-13. "Exports to the US and Europe are falling, while upward pressure on oil prices remain," he said.


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Global rating agencies and banks have ruled out another Asian crisis or a repeat of the economic crisis that India witnessed in 1991 even as the market turbulence intensified across emerging markets, especially India and Indonesia.


"The road may be rocky in the near term, particularly for the largest deficit countries — India and Indonesia — but we don't think this is the Asian crisis all over again," said S&P Asia-Pacific chief economist Paul Gruenwald. Standard Chartered Bank said India's external situation "is not as precarious as in 1991".


"The market turbulence is driven largely by uncertainties around the timing of "tapering" by the US Federal Reserve, coincided with recent cuts in Asian GDP growth forecasts, most notably for China," Gruenwald said in a report on South and SouthEast Asia.


S&P said the financial markets appear to be in the midst of pricing in a different path for US monetary policy. "During that process, we are likely to see bouts of volatility in emerging Asian economies, along with weaker currencies, lower asset prices, and subdued sentiment and growth. But, in our view, this is not a repeat of the 1997 Asian financial crisis," S&P said.


"The external positions for the emerging Asian economies are much stronger. The central banks are also not defending their exchange rates. In addition, the increase in leverage over the past five years has been moderate in the economies with high external risks," Gruenwald said.


"While a sharp widening of the current account deficit, high short-term debt, increased political uncertainty and wide fiscal deficit might be reminiscent of the precursors to the 1991 BoP crisis, we believe the situation today is not the same. Still-adequate forex reserves, an eventual correction in the CAD, rupee depreciation, lower public debt and structurally a more robust and open economy should help India to overcome the current challenges," Stanchart said.


What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?


Abstract: Which model best explains the 1991 currency crisis in India? Did real overvaluation contribute to the crisis? This paper seeks the answers through error correction models and by constructing the equilibrium real exchange rate using a technique developed by Gonzalo and Granger (1995). The evidence indicates that overvaluation as well as current account deficits and investor confidence played significant roles in the sharp exchange rate depreciation. The ECM model is supported by superior out-of-sample forecast performance versus a random walk model. Copyright 2002, International Monetary Fund


Related works: Working Paper: What Caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India? (2000) This item may be available elsewhere in EconPapers: Search for items with the same title.


Export reference: BibTeX RIS (EndNote, ProCite, RefMan) HTML/Text


Ordering information: This journal article can be ordered from Palgrave Macmillan Journals, Subscription Department, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS, UK http://www. palgrave-. subscribe/index. html


More articles in IMF Staff Papers from Palgrave Macmillan Series data maintained by Iulia Badea ( ).


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Descripción: Se produjo una excepción no controlada durante la ejecución de la solicitud web actual. Revise el seguimiento de la pila para obtener más información acerca del error y dónde se originó en el código.


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EPW researchers have this short note comparing 1991 with current times


In sum, the following can be said:


(i) The CAD widened over the years, both in the current period as well as during the gulf crisis period. The CAD-GDP ratio widened in both periods as illustrated in Chart 1.


(ii) The burgeoning merchandise trade deficit in both periods was due to shrinking exports and bulging imports due to the increasing oil and gold import bill.


(iii) Unsustainability in both periods took place after some crisis, viz, the global crisis during the current period and the gulf crisis during the 1990s.


(iv) The importance of net invisibles receipts as an offsetting factor eroded over the years in both periods due to shrinking private remittances in 1990s, and reducing private remittances and services exports (especially software exports) during the current period. Both periods also witnessed substantial outflow due to interest and amortisation payments.


(v) In both periods, insuffi cient net capital account receipts forced recourse to withdrawal from foreign exchange reserves that shrunk as a result. During the current year it is sufficient to finance only about six to seven months of imports; as against this, it was enough to fi nancejust two weeks of imports around July 1990-91.


vi) However, one main difference is that the international crude oil and commodity prices, which were high and very volatile in the early 1990s, are more stable in the current period and oil prices were around $100/bbl in the last couple of years, while commodity prices witnessed declines due to the global recession


Overall they say present situation is much better than 1991.


Not really sure. We may have better macros but depend much more on FII flows now than 1991. Gulf crisis was hardly a crisis compared to what we saw in 2008. With US expected to do better FII flows can create far more havoc than we can imagine. We have higher forex reserves surely but so is our dependence on FII flows..


Moreover, the authors miss a crucial point – high fiscal deficits in both the periods. It is debated that BoP crisis was basically a follow-up to the fiscal crisis in late 1980s. It should have been a fiscal crisis but resulted into a BoP crisis as things collapsed eventually on external sector. We have nearly similar scenario now where fiscal excesses have led to a BoP problem..


Monday, March 14th, 2016


On 23-24 February, senior executives from across Europe attended the two-day CXFS event. The conference’s customer-centric focus aimed to provide insight and improve relationships between customers and companies. The event accommodated around 80 executives, VPs and directors engaged in customer experience, marketing and digital strategy from leading corporations. The attendees gained exclusive access to knowledge from the most advanced companies in the field, through conference talks, interactive discussions and innovative network formats.


Innovative agenda The event agenda covered a variety of different methods of engagement, including conference sessions, which reflected issues identified by senior executives; one-to-one business meetings, offering the opportunity for private meetings with leading specialists; interactive think tank discussions, allowing for debate in an informal setting; and extensive networking, which gave people crucial time to engage with speakers and fellow attendees.


As in previous years, CXFS worked with a leading group of experts and problem solvers who not only spoke at the convention, but gave a more personal, interactive approach to sharing knowledge and advice. The event’s flexibility and catering to individual objectives allowed for attendees to customise their own itinerary; this distinguishes CXFS from other financial conferences.


The event’s flexibility and catering to individual objectives allowed for attendees to customise their own itinerary; this distinguishes CXFS from other financial conferences


Discussing efforts to maintain customer retention and loyalty in a hyper-competitive market, the financial conference covered a range of key issues. These included: effective management of the migration to online and mobile banking; the implementation of appropriate processes and channel strategies to counter changes in consumer behaviour; the shift from ‘big data’ to actionable insight to drive continuous business improvements; delivering personalised services in a digital age and the embedding of customer centricity through effective people engagement, motivation and training.


Effusive praise Kimia Allahverdi, the Exchange’s director, described the commitment to address customer dissatisfaction as “a call for action, a fundamental change in direction”. The objective of the conference was to assist financial leaders in constructing effective business models that put the customer at the heart of all activities and decisions.


Past attendees have been impressed by the quality of the event. Anne Grim, managing director and global head of client experience at Barclays, described the event as “worthwhile, rich, and thought-provoking”. Paolo Barbesino, first VP and head of internet and mobile banking at UniCredit, said: “They provided me with a thorough overview of what’s happening in the financial service industry customer service development and how digitalisation is pushing this trend even further.” Harmeen Birk, VP institutional clients group at Citi, said: “I found people in my industry that I’d usually never meet, vendors in technology that I didn’t know existed, so it’s turned out to be much better than expected.”


In an industry with such a volatile and uneasy relationship with its customers, the yearly conference offers innovative and inspired solutions that encourage large financial corporations to rebuild loyalty and trust between themselves and their customers.


Get involved Missed out? Fear not, as the Customer Experience Exchange for Financial Services will be coming to Europe in the summer of 2016! taking place in Frankfurt, Germany on 13-14 September, the European version of CXFS has already secured speakers such as: EVP, Chief of Staff, Danske Bank; COO, Insurance, Lloyds Banking Group; VP, Data Propositions, Innovation and Customer Experience, Barclays; VP, Head of Digital Marketing, MasterCard; VP, Internet Channels, ING Bank Turkey to name a few! You can securely request to join this stellar line up by emailing the Exchange team directly on Exchangeinfo@iqpc. com or by calling +44(0)207 368 8494.


Friday, June 7th, 2013


Following the central bank’s monthly report, the Bundesbank has downgraded growth forecasts in Germany for both this and next year. However, the institution suggests a recovery for the euro area may well be on the horizon, having recorded a rise in business confidence in May.


Bundesbank cut its December projections for 2013 from 0.4 to 0.3, and stated that growth would amount to 1.5 percent in 2014, a 0.4 percent drop on the previous estimation. The revised figures were “due mainly to downward revisions with regard to the external environment,” said the bank.


The downgrade follows the IMF’s decision to cut it’s 2013 growth forecast in half to 0.3 percent.


“Much will depend on whether the economic situation stabilises in the euro-area crisis countries and whether expansionary forces will gradually gain the upper hand there,” said the central bank’s President, Jens Weidmann. “A sustained upturn in the world economy is just as important as a precondition for the growth path we have assumed.”


Europe’s largest economy narrowly escaped recession through the first quarter, posting 0.1 percent growth, the likes of which was in large part due to private consumption having offset disappointing exports.


The bank wrote in a related statement: “In the euro area the economy appears to be bottoming out. Nevertheless, the Bundesbank sees continuing structural problems as standing in the way of a rapid improvement. This is likely to place a major strain on the German economy, which is integrated into the international division of labour.


“Consolidation and reform efforts appear to be slackening. This could have a negative effect on the financial markets and further intensify the debt crises. Confidence would then be further eroded, which would also have negative consequences for the cyclical outlook for the German economy.”


The bank anticipates the euro area to offer “no meaningful stimuli” to the German economy until 2014 at the earliest. However, despite the euro-area crisis, Bundesbank expect Germany to later this year demonstrate a modest recovery, in large part due to a robust labour market, significant wage increases and slowing inflation.


The bank’s inflation figures were revised upwards this year to 1.6 percent from 1.5 percent, though reduced to 1.5 percent from 1.6 percent for 2014.


Monday, May 20th, 2013


At the recent IMF Spring Meetings. experts highlighted the discrepancies in the growth rates of countries around the world. PwC, who six months ago coined the term “two-speed economy”, has revised its analysis to include a third speed lane. “Whilst the eurozone continues to focus on crisis management and Japan puts the finishing touches to its reforms, the US appears to be breaking away from the pack and gradually returning to trend growth,” PwC says in its monthly Global Economy Watch.


According to PwC “emerging and developing economies continue to be in the ‘fast lane’”. According to their internal analysis BRIC countries will continue to grow at least three times as fast as the G7, “the release of the first quarter GDP data for China confirmed our view that it will continue to grow slightly faster than the 7.5 percent government target rate (actual growth was 7.7 percent year on year), whilst gradually rebalancing from investment to consumption-led growth.”


Christine Lagarde suggested in a speech at the Economic Club of New York that the US and Switzerland were ‘on the mend’, creating the medium growth rate bracket. PwC estimates that the US will grow around two percent in 2013, buoyed by sustained job creation.


Lagarde has warned that this level of imbalance is “starker than ever.”


“In far too many countries, improvements in financial markets have not translated into improvements in the real economy – and in the lives of people,” ella dijo. “We are now seeing the emergence of a ‘three-speed’ global economy—those countries that are doing well, those that are on the mend, and those that still have some distance to travel.”


Countries in the eurozone continue to struggle, as the banking industry is still not fully repaired, and vital fiscal and monetary reform has failed to materialise. “Monetary policy is ‘spinning its wheels’—meaning that low interest rates are not translating into affordable credit for people who need it,” said Lagarde. “The plumbing is clogged up, and we are seeing more financial fragmentation.


“So the priority must be to continue to clean up the banking system by recapitalizing, restructuring, or, where necessary, shutting down banks. The oversize banking model of too-big-to-fail is more dangerous than ever. We must get to the root of the problem with comprehensive and clear regulation, more intensive and intrusive supervision, as well as frameworks for orderly failure and resolution, including across borders, and with authorities empowered to oversee the process,” she added.


During the Spring Meetings Lagarde emphasised that job creation should be a priority for policymakers in order to combat the deep growth inequality plaguing Europe. “Every policy maker is keen to develop jobs and to respond to the demands of the young population in particular,” she said. All job creating policies should be considered, “starting with growth and good polu mix which relies on not just one policy but a set of policies that ill include fiscal consolidation at the right pace, structural reforms and monetary policy, which provides the breathing space,” she added.


Thursday, May 9th, 2013


Emerging market currency exposure is becoming more important to investors and corporations alike. In the post-crisis world, emerging market regions have been seen as an investment alternative to the troubled G10. An environment of extremely low yields in developed markets has made the higher yields available in emerging markets more attractive – particularly as the fiscal and national debt positions of many emerging sovereigns now compare favourably to those of developed economies. With a large proportion of global economic growth contributed by emerging nations, the case for investment in emerging markets appears even more convincing.


Corporations, meanwhile, can also benefit from strong growth in emerging economies. As the developed world continues to de-lever, consumers in emerging markets are typically benefiting from rising wages at the same time that consumer credit growth accelerates. The connectivity and size of the emerging markets (EM) sector is greater than it has ever been. Devaluations of EM currencies used to have confined, local impact; now they affect investors and corporations all over the world.


But how to protect against the risk of these devaluations? They are still prone to occur, despite the increasing levels of development in the various regions. Local issues, both economic and political, still take people by surprise and damage investment in the country. Many investors and corporates maintain a mandatory policy of hedging their forex risk, no matter how expensive it may be in the long run.


And make no mistake, hedging EM currency exposures can be very expensive. A USD-based company which hedged 100 percent of its exposures with quarterly forward contracts in BRL, for example, would have paid out 150 percent of its original notional amount over the last decade. The high interest rates in BRL relative to USD meant that the forward contracts priced in devaluations that did not usually occur, leaving the company with a cost at the end of the majority of the hedge contracts. Is the remedy worse than the disease?


Fortunately this is not the only way to protect against EM currency risk. We illustrate some alternatives in this article, and show that using different hedge contracts, or intelligent hedge timing, can reduce overall hedge costs while maintaining a good level of devaluation protection.


The choice of hedging instrument First it is worth considering the hedge instrument. Forwards are the dominant choice, as they are treated more favourably under accounting standards, and they are simple and easy to understand. However, this simplicity does not imply that they are low risk. As the BRL case shows, they can have a severe and consistently negative impact. Let us consider a simple at-the-money call option as an alternative.


In Fig.1, we present the cashflows (including costs) that a USD-based hedger would have received if they had hedged their BRL exposure once per quarter with a three month contract. The two lines show the cumulative cashflows which would have accrued had the hedger used either a forward or an at-the-money call option. For the options, the premium has been deducted from the payout so that the total cost of the option is correctly included in the cashflow.


The difference is very striking. The ruinous cost of hedging with the forward contract is cut to one third of its value by the use of vanilla call options – but without much reduction in protection, the options provided an effective hedge in the 2008 crisis period.


Source: Bloomberg. Notes: No data for USD-CHF forwards.


This is quite remarkable. And it is not only BRL that shows this feature. In Fig.2 we have repeated the analysis for other EM pairs. Though in some cases there is not much data, overall the pattern is very clear. On average, the 3m hedge cashflow is 0.9 percent for options, and -1.4 percent for forwards, for data since 2003 in many cases.


This is not quite the end of the discussion on hedge products; for any specific combination of currencies, it might be that OTM (out of the money) options have offered good value, and the effects of correlations should not be ignored. But the information above is unambiguous enough to mean that options should be seriously considered in any discussion of EM currency hedging.


The importance of timing The choice of instrument study implicitly assumes that hedging is continuous. However, if the hedger has strong information about the likely timing of any currency devaluation, then the choice of instrument becomes irrelevant, and obviously a forward hedge should be entered into prior to the devaluation event. How can we find the elusive Holy Grail and get real information about likely timing of devaluations?


In a sense, the IMF has done some of the job for us. They have been using, and publishing, early warning indicators for more than a decade. But their signals tend to be longer term, designed to catch crisis events far enough in advance to take effective action. We would like to know about potential crises just a few months in advance in order to guide, say, a quarterly hedging strategy. This is a completely different timescale to the less precise circa two-year warning that the IMF hopes to have in order to allow remedial action to be taken should a country’s macroeconomic fundamentals deteriorate.


Many investors and corporates maintain a mandatory policy of hedging their forex risk, no matter how expensive it may be in the long run


In order to provide a shorter-term warning signal, we incorporate financial market indicators that tend to be available on a daily basis and do not suffer the longer publication lags typically encountered for economic data. A sharp deterioration in rapidly-evolving market factors, coinciding with an elevated level of risk as signalled by macroeconomic indicators, should provide a timely warning that market participants see currency depreciation as imminent. In other words, macroeconomic imbalances may persist for an extended period but market factors should help to signal when a critical point has been reached.


Including market factors has another benefit that is related to the way in which currency crises tend to differ in origin and evolution. The Asian crisis that began in 1997, for example, was clearly of a different nature to, say, earlier Latin American crises.


By including market-based factors, we increase the chances of being able to identify crises that occur for reasons other than misaligned macroeconomic fundamentals. In total, we included nine macroeconomic indicators (current account, money supply, inflation, industrial production, trade data (exports), short-term debt, non-performing loans, domestic credit, economic surprises), and four market indicators (real effective exchange rate, forex implied volatility, equity market performance, global risk sentiment). Using these factors we were able to create a risk index for each country.


Soure: Bloomberg. Notes: Horizontal lines represent averages


In order to test the effectiveness of the warning signals provided by this method, we performed a simple back test. To account for the potentially significant carry earned by holders of EM currencies, we considered carry returns rather than simple exchange rate developments. A high reading for our early warning index is taken as a signal to remain un-invested for the subsequent two months. Fig.3 shows how risk-adjusted carry trade returns were enhanced.


Decision making It is clear that both hedge timing and hedge instrument are important decisions. Imperfect knowledge of the future means that even warning indices like the one described above can only help with a decision, rather than give certainty. Different risk tolerances and company policies mean that there is no one single hedge strategy to fit all cases. However, the above results can be used to give guidelines, which can inform and enhance any EM hedging programme.


They may be simply stated: if risk is high, consider hedging with a forward. At intermediate risk levels, an option may be more appropriate. And when risk levels are very low, consider a lower hedge ratio, or not hedging at all. These are simple guidelines and should be more widely understood and applied than they are. The study of history can be a powerful tool to help us manage the future.


Commerzbank won Best Liquidity Provider, in the 2013 Foreign Exchange Awards.


Tuesday, May 7th, 2013


Whereas Asian shares have been capped amid ongoing fears of enfeebled global growth, stronger than expected US job data growth has propelled Japanese equities to a near five-year high.


European stock markets incited the Asian cap, with financial spreadbetters anticipating London’s FTSE 100, Paris’s CAC-40 and Frankfurt’s DAX to open down as much as 0.3 percent. Tetsu Emori, commodities sales manager at Astmax Investments in Tokyo reported that: “The current fundamentals are very weak, with China slowing down and with US demand not so strong.”


US futures were down a comparatively softer 0.1 percent, after the S&P 500 Index closed at overnight record highs. “There is some profit-taking coming in after the sharp rise in prices we saw in the recent days,” said Emori. The boost to riskier assets herein signaling a sizeable return to profit taking, outlining a severe lack of confidence in broader economic prospects.


The predominant focus for Asian currency markets was the Reserve Bank of Australia’s policy meeting; a case in which the bank lowered its cash rate by 25 percent basis points, amounting to a record slump of 2.75 percent.


Markets had previously priced in a 50-50 chance of a rate cut, resulting in the Australian dollar having fallen to a two-month low of $1.0810; a figure to have somewhat aided Australian shares in offsetting earlier losses.


The ECB moreover contributed to the moderately positive outlook, stating that it was prepared to cut rates again if necessary.


“I think the markets are going to continue going higher, the S&P hit another record high yesterday, the DAX is getting closer,” so stated Neil Marsh, strategist at Newedge. “From a very low base, everyone is fairly optimistic that things are going to improve and if they don’t, you’ve got the added backdrop from [ECB President Mario] Draghi that he’ll do whatever it takes to push the euro zone economy forwards.”


The region will presently be looking towards a slew of data pertaining to China’s trade, inflation and money supply, released on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday respectively.


“Post-nonfarm payroll euphoria has proved short lived and despite US markets grinding higher overnight, markets are now on the look out for their next reason to rally,” said Jonathan Sudaria, a trader at Capital Spreads.


With Japanese markets being closed on Friday and Monday due to bank holidays, the Nikkei stock average rocketed 3.7 percent to surmount 14,000 for the first time since June 2008. This rise being on account of Japan’s top export market demonstrating unforeseen signs of resilience.


Tuesday, May 7th, 2013


The country is grappling with a credible strategy to enable it to raise funds to remain solvent. Slovenia needs to present a suitable economic reform programme to the European Commission later this week. By selling state-owned bank Nova KBM and telecoms firm Telekom the government hopes it will be able to avoid an international bailout.


The Bank of Slovenia has urged the government to speed up privatisations in sectors where “the market is more effective than state ownership,” but gave no further details. Due to the €7bn total of bad loans amalgamated by the mostly state-owned Slovenian banks, it is likely they will have to be separated into a standalone entity before the sector can be privatised. It also stressed the importance of the government helping financially troubled companies with good prospects, as the future ventures could result in a healthy pay-back to the banks.


The financially troubled NKBM, which is 80 percent owned by the state, has a market capitalisation of €90m if the government follows through on plans to move bad loans to another bank in order to ease a credit crunch. In selling the 74 percent state-owned Telekom, the government hopes to raise hundreds of millions thanks to its market capitalisation of €624m.


EU Economic and Monetary Affairs Commissioner Olli Rehn said Slovenia would not need a bailout if it reacted quickly to bring down its budget deficit. The country successfully raised $3.5bn via a bond sale which should stave off the need for a bailout until next April, when it will have to repay a five year €1.5bn bond.


Despite reducing its deficit to four percent of GDP in 2012, from 6.4 percent in 2011, Slovenia has not done enough to meet its budget deficit target of three percent. The European Commission has forecast this year’s deficit at 5.3 percent.


Friday, April 26th, 2013


Data released on April 25 revealed Spanish unemployment to have reached 27.2 percent, the highest such figure at least since the nation’s transition to democracy in 1976 – when records began. The report has fuelled European debate in questioning the proven effectiveness of austerity, with many wishing to switch conversely to reviving economic growth.


The figures reveal for over six million Spaniards to have endured unemployment through the first three months of 2013 – with 57 percent of under-25s out of education unable to find work. The likes of which represent joblessness having grown seven quarters in a row, in effect leaving more Spaniards out of work than the entire population of Denmark and matching the respective rates of Greece – presently in the midst of a full-blown depression.


Regardless of the grim economic outlook, Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy remained positive in parliament on Tuesday: “Next year we will have growth and jobs created in our country.”


However, the report indicates for joblessness to have fallen below IMF’s predictions, the organisation having last week cut the country’s annual growth forecast to a 1.6 percent contraction from the original 1.5 percent, and having estimated for unemployment to peak at 27 percent in 2013.


Jose Luis Martinez, an analyst at Citi, said of the results: “These figures are worse than expected and highlight the serious situation of the Spanish economy as well as the shocking decoupling between the real and the financial economy.”


The country’s darkening economic prospects are a noted contrast with current financial markets. With a global tendency towards liquidity, Spain’s borrowing costs have experienced a marked drop, all but banishing fears of the budget crisis forcing Madrid to seek international sovereign bailout.


Spain has teetered in and out of recession throughout the past five years, the economy having shrunk 1.9 percent over the past year with a return to growth likely to come as late as 2014. Analysts attest that jobs look unlikely to be created before growth rises above one percent, a feat unlikely to eventuate until mid 2014, by which time approximately two million Spaniards are expected to have endured unemployment for over three years.


Marcel Jansen of Fedea stated: “More than half Spain’s unemployed have very low levels of education and skill levels and that, combined with several years of unemployment, is the biggest risk to recovery in Spain.”


The nation is said to have demonstrated the worst budget deficit in the EU through 2012, in part due to a €41bn bailout payment meant for rescuing banks. The EU deficit target presently stands at 4.5 percent of GDP, though it looks increasingly likely for the figure to be lessened due to a worsening Europe-wide recession.


Thursday, April 11th, 2013


After short negotiations, Qatar has agreed to buy Egyptian bonds worth $3bn, part of an aid package that will help Egypt from sinking into financial turmoil. The announcement was made after an unexpected trip to Egypt by the Qatari premier Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem al-Thani, and has surprised many observers.


Qatar’s bond purchase comes on top of an already agreed aid package worth $5bn. Egypt will receive from its oil-rich neighbour an outright grant of $1bn and $4bn in bank deposits. The sheikh, whose government is the main financial backer of Mohamed Morsi’s Islamic-led government of Egypt, reiterated that Qatar did not expect anything in return for the aid package.


“We have agreed to add Egypt government bonds worth $3bn,” said al-Thani in a press conference. He also spoke of “the importance of relations between Egypt and Qatar continuing at the same pace and the same momentum.” Qatar is already one of the biggest foreign investor in Egypt, and investments amount to about 18 to 20 percent of all FDI.


It has been reported that some Egyptians are deeply sceptical of Qatar’s motives for offering such vast sums of money. There have been accusations of Qatar using the loans to politically influence Morsi’s government. “Sadly, the media are reporting positive things negatively,” said al-Thani. “But this will not affect Qatar’s way of dealing with our brothers in Egypt.”


Egypt is currently in talks with the IMF over an almost $5bn loan, part of a financing programme that will help Egypt’s economy through the crisis. Local authorities believe that the IMF loan will help restore confidence in the Egyptian market, which has struggled with political turmoil since violent demonstrations ousted long-serving President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. The country’s foreign currency reserves are severely depleted and stand at just $13.4bn; down from $36bn held before the uprising. The country is also suffering from poor credit ratings even as its budget deficit continues to soar.


There are concerns that the internal lender’s fiscal requirements for approving the loan will cause social tensions. The IMF delegation currently visiting Cairo will examine the country’s recent steps towards economic liberalisation and the final size of the loan may still change, according to IMF officials.


It has also been reported that Libya has offered Egypt an additional $2bn five-year, interest free loan to help alleviate economic tensions plaguing the country.


Monday, March 25th, 2013


The Cypriot parliament, the EU and the IMF have agreed to a €10bn bailout after a tense week of negotiations. The deal will spare depositors from a controversial levy, but will force substantial losses for large-scale depositors in two of the country’s biggest lenders. The last minute aims at preventing a collapse of the island’s banking system and protecting Cyprus’ EU membership.


The deal, which does not require approval from the local parliament, involves the closure of Laiki Bank, the country’s second largest financial institution. It banks current €4.2bn worth of deposits over €100,000 will go into a ‘bad bank’ and could be lost entirely. Smaller deposits will be transferred to the Bank of Cyprus, the country’s largest, which will undergo a vigorous restructuring. Deposits over €100,000 in the Bank of Cyprus will be frozen and could also face losses after the bank has been restructures and recapitalised.


In an unprecedented move by the EU, both junior and senior bondholders will be wiped out. The Bank of Cyprus will also take on the €9bn Laiki owes to EU creditors that has been the bank’s lifeline over recent months. None of the €10bn bailout money will go to recapitalising the Bank of Cyprus and officials still face the task of determining how much of the large deposits will be required to ‘bail in’ the bank back to health, and EU mandated capital levels.


“I’m happy because we shall have a programme and it’s in the best interests of the Cyprus people and the European Union,” said President Nicos Anastasiades, though not everyone agrees with him. While the deal is far from the original, much reviled, proposal, it is still being criticised due to the perceived double-standard of the bailout. Critics have pointed that no other rescued EU member has had to impose losses on its depositors and there are worries that the bailout will set out a dangerous precedent.


“It is clear the depth of the financial crisis in Cyprus means the near future will be very difficult for the country and its people,” said Olli Rehn, economic chief at the European Commission. Banks in Cyprus remain closed, in an attempt to prevent a flight of capital and a limit on withdrawals of €100 from the country’s cash machines remains in place.


The deal was approved hastily in the early hours, as the EC had threatened to suspend the funds holding the banks together if a deal was not reached by Monday. One of the conditions of the deal is that Cyprus tackle its overinflated banking system, which has grown to seven times the size of the island’s GDP.


Last week a controversial deal had been suggested by the EU and the IMF that would see all depositors in Cyprus’ banks face a forced haircut in order to raise €5.8bn to supplement the bailout, but the deal did not make it through the local parliament. “The numbers have not changed. If anything they’ve got worse,” said Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister who is leading the talks in Nicosia. “It is well known that I won’t allow myself to be blackmailed by no one or nothing I’m aware of my responsibility for the stability of the euro. If we take the wrong decisions we’ll be doing the euro a great disservice.”


Wednesday, March 13th, 2013


By the end of 2012, we at Boubyan Bank had completed the first three years of our Five-Year Strategy (2010-2014). The strategy has certainly realised many of its objectives; last year, we returned to profitability and were even able to pay dividends to our shareholders.


The realisation of these strategic objectives can be attributed to a key set of factors: our return to core banking activities; and expansion within the Kuwaiti market by providing our corporate and individual products and services in a fresh manner. The latter, in particular, led to our becoming more competitive and resulted in a rise in our market share. In 2010, we set ourselves the target of having 30 branches by the end of 2014: by the close of last year, we already had 22 and are planning to open six or seven more this year. All are, or will be, in residential areas with large populations, so we can be closer to our customers. By the end of 2014, we now expect to have exceeded our pre-set goals.


Direct market research In order to maintain our excellent level of service, the Bank offered a variety of products and services targeting different sections of society. Some of these products were not new to the Kuwaiti market, but we remain the sole provider of others. Instead of relying on the common draw of prizes, we chose to adopt a different, more distinguished style of promotional campaigns, under the slogan “With Boubyan, all are winners”. As part of our strategy, we continued to focus on products and services targeting affluent customers with high net worth.


Number of branches planned by the end of 2014 (2010 target): 30 Number of branches already open by the end of 2012: 22


We launched the Platinum Banking service in response to our market research, which showed a dire need for such elite banking services in the local market. We continued to develop the services we provided private banking customers, by offering them greater privacy, quicker transactions and a highly professional manner. Our figures give us reason to maintain an optimistic outlook. We managed to lift our market share to decent ratios for a short period, despite fierce competition in the Kuwaiti market – particularly in the provision of Islamic banking. By the end of 2012, we had achieved a market share of 4.7 percent (from 2.3 percent in 2009) and raised personal finance to 5.7 percent (from 1.2 percent in 2009).


By soliciting productive companies known for their economic and fiscal solvency – while adhering to the highest standards of creditworthiness, risk studies and diversification – Boubyan Bank managed to realise growth rates of 23 percent in its credit portfolio in 2012: one of the highest growth rates in the Kuwaiti market.


During 2012, our corporate banking group arranged and managed syndicated finance transactions with local and international banks for various companies. One financial transaction managed by Boubyan Bank on behalf of the Kuwaiti Mobile Telecommunication Company Zain. for example, was worth $175m.


Our human resources In August 2009, the National Bank of Kuwait acquired a significant stake in Boubyan Bank. NBK brought with it long-established expertise, which played a major role in setting Boubyan Bank’s strategy, re-launch and expansion within the Kuwaiti market. In 2012, NBK increased its stake in Boubyan Bank to 58 percent, but continues to emphasise the complete separation of the entities on a operational level. Boubyan Bank has continued to receive regional and international recognition for its work. These have included: Service Hero’s Best Islamic Bank in Kuwait for Customer Service two years in a row; Best Islamic Bank in Elite Credit Card Services and Fastest Growing Bank in Kuwait from The Banker Middle East Magazine ; and Best Islamic Bank in Kuwait from Arabian Business .


Since we began implementing our new strategy in 2010, we at Boubyan Bank have understood that we cannot achieve success without the best human resources. We have sought out the most distinguished professionals in the local markets while developing the capabilities of all our staff. By focusing on Kuwaiti youth, we have been able to raise our national labour ratio to more than 64 percent: one of the highest in the private sector. In 2012, we launched the ITQAN Academy: an advanced and innovative model for training human resources and developing young Kuwaiti leaders. This academy is the first of its kind among local and regional banks and – was established in cooperation with the Gulf University for Science and Technology, which acts as the “exclusive academic partner” for Boubyan Bank in Kuwait.


Boubyan Bank managed to realise growth rates of 23 percent in its credit portfolio in 2012: one of the highest growth rates in the Kuwaiti market


We consider social responsibility and service to be the cornerstones of the Bank’s dealings with all sections of society; it is key to the development and building of a society that is able to confront all regional and international variables. Boubyan Bank has pioneered many social responsibility initiatives and supported various activities and events. These initiatives have targeted many different sections of society, but with a particular emphasis on young people and those with special needs. These have included “The Big Tree Society” initiative, organised for Kuwaiti schools by the Bank, in cooperation with UNESCO.


2015 and beyond We have an optimistic outlook for the future of Islamic banks and financial institutions, both in Kuwait and the surrounding region. The increasing demand for Islamic banking and financial products and services – among Muslims and non-Muslims – has much to do with both sharia, and the products, services and banking solutions that keep pace with advancements in all areas of life.


Our current strategy is due to come to an end in 2014, but we already have plans on where to take Boubyan Bank after that. Having strengthened our position in the local market, our ‘2020 Strategy’ will see us expand into external markets. While there may be further opportunities within Kuwait, they will always be limited in comparison to our aspirations.


Wednesday, March 13th, 2013


2012 was an eventful year, with the key global central banks announcing fresh stimulus measures, bringing in a much-needed respite for asset markets. Globally, economic data remained mixed, with pockets of strength in the US, while eurozone data was broadly disappointing. Moreover, the fiscal cliff overhang in the US weighed on investor confidence.


The year also saw a change in leadership in China, while the US witnessed a close fight for the presidency. The standoff between China and Japan over a territorial dispute led to geopolitical worries, which continue as this article is being written. While the MENA region also had its share of geopolitical tensions and risks of Arab Spring contagion, most of the GCC economies remained unscathed as massive economic packages alleviated any possible social tensions in the region. The GCC economies witnessed strong economic growth, with most GCC oil exporters operating at close to capacity owing to the tight supply of oil. The IMF has estimated the GDP growth for the MENA region in 2012 at around 5.3 percent, with oil exporters performing better than oil importers.


What to expect As we look ahead to 2013, even as the global economy appears to be slowly getting into better shape, it is likely on an extended slow growth path. The successful political transition in the two major global economies, the US and China, has removed a lot of political uncertainty, and economic indicators in these economies are showing signs of improvement.


However, significant tail risk remains due to headwinds from the eurozone, the US debt ceiling issue and geopolitical tensions. The US faces challenges that require decisive long-term strategic action. Meanwhile, Europe is grappling with severe economic and political headwinds and the euro is an experiment fraught with stresses. Unlike the US, the lack of visible leadership and decisive decision making in Europe leaves us less confident that concrete steps will be taken to address underlying issues in the region.


The successful political transition in the two major global economies, the US and China, has removed a lot of political uncertainty, and economic indicators in these economies are showing signs of improvement


The US economy also appears to be in a more robust position, having absorbed three large doses of quantitative easing. We anticipate the US will do the right thing and get its house in order much faster than it will take Europeans to figure out a permanent solution to the problems facing the eurozone. With the global economy still not out of the woods, we expect the major central banks to continue with the extremely loose monetary policy and low interest rate regime for the foreseeable future, leading to excess liquidity in the global economy. Investors will therefore be hard pressed to earn a decent yield on their investments.


GCC welfare spending The GCC economies continue to witness strong growth, with most nations other than Saudi Arabia continuing to operate at close to capacity owing to the tight supply in oil markets. Given the large youth population with high unemployment levels and rising food inflation, governments in this region also continue to spend on the non hydrocarbon sectors and social infrastructure, to contain any possibilities of an Arab Spring contagion. According to some estimates, there has been about $150bn worth of social welfare spending in the Gulf since the unrest began. As per IMF projections, nations in the region should continue to grow much faster than the developed world in the foreseeable future.


We believe that ample market liquidity and augmented government expenditure on infrastructure and social sectors in the GCC region will percolate to the corporate sector, rendering support to robust earnings. For 2012, Saudi budget estimates suggested revenues of SAR 829bn and expenditures of SAR 820bn, projecting a surplus of SAR 9bn. These estimates appear extremely conservative, as revenues for 2013 could be as high as SAR 1150bn if the average Arabian light oil price hovers around current levels.


The budget reflects governments’ continued focus on sustainable development initiatives that requires investment in key sectors such as infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social and other development initiatives. On the corporate earnings front, the weakness in the dominant petrochemical sector was largely offset by growth witnessed in other non-oil sectors. Demand pressure continues to hurt the petrochemical sector, while increasing government spending helped to propel growth in the banking and retail sector.


The GCC markets are highly correlated to movements in oil prices. Against a backdrop of slow growth in advanced nations, the demand scenario for oil from these economies remains weak. Additionally, plans for lowering American dependence on imported oil appear to be taking shape; however, we expect that the higher oil demand from emerging markets and geopolitics should interplay with the above factors to help stabilise oil prices around the current levels in the medium term.


GCC markets are highly correlated to movements in oil prices


The current dividend yield of 4.1 percent in MSCI GCC is significantly higher than the dividend yields for most other MSCI emerging market indices. Within the GCC market, we continue to remain positive on the UAE but cautious on Saudi Arabia, with both economies being key beneficiaries of a relatively tight oil market and large government spending, providing visibility for robust business and earnings growth. With the current ongoing earnings season, Saudi Arabia’s Tadawul stock exchange (TASI) is trading higher at 11.34xCY2013 earnings, as compared to 10.29x in middle of October 2012 while the trailing 12Month (TTM) PE is now as high as 14.78x. The TASI index is now trading closer to most key global indices and at a premium compared to most GCC markets based on 2013 earnings. This indicates that any disappointment on account of expectations for 2013 earnings could result in a sharp market correction. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is also trading at a lower dividend yield, compared to the other MENA region economies. Saudi Arabia’s Tadawul All Share Index (TASI) underperformed most of the developed markets in 2012, posting a return of 6.5 percent, while the S&P 500 clocked a return of 13.4 percent.


Real estate promise The real estate market in the GCC, especially in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, is also set for a good year ahead. We expect a strong pickup in demand for Saudi residential properties, as the newly passed mortgage law is expected to assist the banking sector in expanding lending for home purchases. We expect robust growth in mortgage lending over the next decade, as the new law is expected to provide opportunities for lenders, property developers and middle-class Saudi homebuyers. Abu Dhabi is becoming more appealing, too, as new residential communities are offering more affordable and better accommodation. That said, we expect the vacancy rates to nudge higher and plateau in 2014, on account of the steady increase in supply.


High oil prices have provided flexibility on spending to governments in the GCC region and are creating an environment for sustained capital market performance in the region. It is important to ensure that government policies deal not just with the short-term problems, but also address the long-term employment opportunities and structural issues facing the region. The IMF has raised concerns over the unprecedented rise in spending, and warned of a possibility of their combined surplus turning into a deficit by 2017.


Recent projections by the IMF indicate that Saudi Arabia would need a breakeven oil price of $98 per barrel in 2016, compared to $80 per barrel in 2011, to balance its budget. It is therefore important that the investments today are in productive assets that are able to create alternative sources of revenue and employment opportunities in the future.


Wednesday, March 13th, 2013


Founded in 2007, Burj Bank – formerly known as Dawood Islamic Bank – has a distinguished history, spanning more than five years, as a central pillar of Pakistan’s Islamic Banking landscape. In 2011, Burj Bank’s board of directors became concerned about the slow growth and concentration of the bank’s financing portfolio in areas of the economy that were showing signs of strain.


At this time, the major shareholders of the bank initiated a re-profiling of ownership and subsequently a rebranding. On 11th July 2011, the bank was renamed and launched as ‘Burj Bank Limited’, following a massive capital injection by some Middle Eastern investors of the bank. At present, almost 85 percent of Burj Bank’s shareholding stems from the Middle East, with majority ownership belonging to the ICD, Jeddah (Group Company of the Islamic Development Bank). Other primary shareholders are Bank Al Khair from Bahrain, Gargash Enterprises from the UAE and Al Romaizan from Saudi Arabia.


Making a difference In November 2011, Ahmed Khizer Khan – the former Chief Operating Officer of ICD (Islamic Corporation for Development of the Private Sector) and the Chief Executive of Barclays Global Retail and Commercial Banking for Emerging Markets – was brought in as the President and Chief Executive Officer of Burj Bank to turn it around.


Mr Khan, who had been closely governing the bank as the Chairman of the Board’s Executive Committee for nearly three quarters, brought with him thorough experience of various markets, combined with immense turnaround expertise.


[Burj Bank’s] operations have been centralised, compliance and control… have been strengthened, and a strong service culture has been introduced


The leadership team had challenges ahead of them, and went to work immediately to revitalise the corporation, turning it into a profitable entity. They had numerous tasks ahead of them, and had to keep multiple synchronised streams of work moving simultaneously to be successful. They also had to stabilise the bank immediately, and stop any fallout from credit losses and inefficiencies. They had to refocus the vision and strategy of the bank in a way that its internal and external stakeholders – employees, customers, creditors, investors, and regulators – could readily understand and support.


The team had to recapitalise the bank, not simply to make provisions for financing losses but also to position Burj Bank appropriately in order to leverage and create brand value. They had to rebuild the management team using the right mix of fresh talent that would work well with the knowledge and experience of the existing team members.


A new set of goals A month later, a plan was in place that consisted of a number of basic tools to set the bank in motion towards achieving new heights. The management team, consisting of old and new members, started their days at six in the morning and typically worked 60-hours a week for months.


The entire team met regularly for three reasons: to ensure the necessary two-way communication throughout the bank at all levels, to eliminate the traditional lack of an aggressive nature among individual managers one level down from the senior managers, and to build trusted teamwork among the entire senior management team.


The experienced turnaround architect – Mr Ahmed Khizer Khan – also acknowledged the value of being nimble and moved swiftly in a crisis situation. Getting his inspiration from Mohammad Ali Jinnah – the founder of Pakistan – Mr Khizer strongly believes in the words of Jinnah, who said that “I don’t believe in taking right decisions, I take decisions and make them right”.


Together with other executive committee members, they made decisions quickly and didn’t agonise over them once made. To move at the speed required, they also recognised that while they would make some mistakes along the way, it was part of their management process. As a team, they could fix mistakes later and learn at the same time.


Working together In order to be successful, the senior management team needed the full confidence of Burj Bank’s Board of Directors, as well as its regulators. They held quarterly board meetings, relied heavily on a strong audit committee and stringent processes, and worked hard to ensure excellent communication with the board and major shareholders.


By the end of 2012, Burj Bank had progressed sufficiently and successfully. In just 12 months, the Bank grew its deposit base by 77 percent


By the end of 2012, Burj Bank had progressed sufficiently and successfully. In just 12 months, the Bank grew its deposit base by 77 percent. Their financing portfolio also reflected a growth of 67 percent. The bank became transformed from a loss-making business into a self-sustainable entity from the perspective of its shareholders. The branches grew from 50 to 75, reflecting a percentage distribution network growth of 50 percent.


Within the retail business, the bank successfully inducted a strong business development channel, and converted its car financing product – Carsaaz – into a market leader, and also established the Takaful business. In corporate banking, a rich portfolio of clients were added and dedicated corporate branches were opened, which nearly doubled the asset book.


The bank’s global markets and advisory business was strengthened further, becoming the backbone of profitability. Focusing on its customers, products, distribution network and service delivery, 2012 was the year in which the bank laid the foundation for a sustainable profitable future.


Its operations have been centralised, compliance and control mechanisms have been strengthened, a strong service culture has been introduced, human capital gaps have been filled and systems have been revitalised.


During 2012, Burj Bank’s core banking implementation was completed in record time. It also launched Pakistan’s first Islamic Debit MasterCard. 2012 was the year in which Burj Bank became a strong consumer brand in the country. The bank has entered into diverse new lines of business including SME (small - and medium-sized enterprise) banking, investment banking, agricultural financing, cash management and home Musharaka. The transformation of Burj Bank is one of the most successful stories of the financial world of Pakistan.


With a vision to be “the Islamic bank of choice”, and a mission “to provide innovative and efficient Islamic banking solutions to exceed customer expectations and optimise shareholder value”, Burj Bank pursues an ambition of reaching new heights and achieving distinction in Islamic Banking by becoming a symbol of prosperity, progress and success.


Wednesday, March 13th, 2013


The year 2012 began with multiple headwinds for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) markets, which raised concerns over provisions pertaining to the financial sector, corporate growth and profitability. The equity markets remained under the dark shadow of geopolitical situations which were persistent in the Middle East, especially Iran and the on going unrest across other countries.


Uncertain times From the figures pre and post the financial crisis, we can see that earning prospects have been constantly improving since 2008. A pool of 585 listed entities across the seven GCC markets demonstrates that earnings in 2007 – which rose to $62.95bn and fell drastically to reach a mere $34.68bn in 2008 – went on to remain stagnant in 2009.


However, a series of constructive measures from various governments provided comfort to corporate companies, in a bid to encourage trade and start various projects as many marked better profitability from 2010. In the past three years GCC has added $17.6bn to its bottom line, where its total earnings reached $52.15bn by the end of September 2012.


On the contrary, investors continued to receive fragile news on the global economic development, which was specifically sourced through Europe and the US. The fiscal situation in Greece and the election in the US, together with the reduction of Asia’s economic powerhouses in China and Japan, and unending political unrest in a few MENA countries, forced investors to refrain from building new positions. Sustainability in earnings remains a primary cause among investors, because of which GCC markets witnessed quick erosion in their market cap, despite better than expected earnings announcements.


By exploring specific data, it is revealed that the overall profitability was reduced by the mid and small cap companies, as heavyweights stocks including the ‘one billion club’ improved its profitability on a year-on-year basis. In fact, the club had a superior performance as its bottom line inflated by 4.7 percent when compared to figures in 2007, yet with the deteriorating market, sentiments and investors were cautious to approach new positions in markets.


Total market capitalisation was near $1.06trn by 2007, and profitability expectations were on the rise. UAE’s bold policy of owning properties in the emirate by any individual provided a new impetus to the real estate industry. Unending constructions sites in the GCC – especially in Dubai, which had excessive work in relation to various infrastructure projects – steered all industries to grow at an exceptional pace.


When the financial crisis erupted in 2008, a global pessimism ensued, which weighed down heavily on GCC stocks


It was a boom time for the industrial and construction sector, In addition, an ease of lending from financing institutions and higher oil prices, were further driving GCC economies to grow at an extra ordinary rate.


Driven profitability When the financial crisis erupted in 2008, a global pessimism ensued, which weighed down heavily on GCC stocks as well. The GCC market lost 48 percent of its value alone in 2008, while earnings went down by 45 percent. The freefalling markets also severely affected the club. Despite a restricted drop of 31 percent in its earnings, the club lost around 49 percent of its value on the floor.


There was no respite for any stocks, as investors pressed panic buttons across the board. Barring a few, almost all GCC stocks reported a drop in their FY 2008 earnings, as of which many stocks were seen trading at a price far below their book value.


After the financial crisis, many global corporations adopted a series of strategies to curb losses and costs. Mergers, acquisitions, restructurings to mitigate negative effects of borrowing and declining provisions provided some stability to markets and earnings. Moreover, companies with a strong and solid core-business oriented model – mostly large caps – laid down a growing path for the overall GCC market. By 2010, total profit sparked to reach $41.61bn, a jump of $9.45bn over the previous year. The club shared around 85 percent of this new profit, by contributing $7.99bn to it.


The club further added another $9.37bn to a total of $10.19bn in 2011, and maintained its earnings contribution above 90 percent in total GCC profit. However, in 2012 – amid various constructive steps taken by other large, mid and small cap stocks – overall contribution of the club slipped to 94.5 percent by September 2012.


In the club, 27 stocks witnessed a growth in market caps, while 88 entities reported a drop from their 2007 level or listing date, prior to 2012. Saying so, the Price to Earnings (P/Ex) multiple, which stood at 17.72 in 2010, came under pressure to reach the current level of 14.27, figuring out a pressure on market prices despite improving earnings. The lowering of the P/Ex multiple clearly indicates a lack of confidence among investors, and poses uncertainty over future earnings growth – which is well supported by the overall GCC TTM earnings, where in September 2012 they grew by a mere 0.5 percent over FY 2011.


Wealth creators or destroyers In the past four years, most of the GCC stocks have been trapped, especially those which are burdened with huge debt or investments on their balance sheet. Surprisingly, the top 10 stocks of the GCC – which are running on a prudent business model and carry a strong balance sheet – paint a different story.


For instance, SABIC, the biggest GCC stock in terms of market cap, witnessed an erosion of 45 percent of its market value from 2007. However, its net profit reported a negative growth of only 11 percent over the similar period. In 2012 SABIC’s rising cost of sales cost dearly as its net profit margin shrank to 13 percent from 16.5 percent a year ago. Similarly, Al Rajhi Bank – whose net profit grew by 22 percent in the similar period – saw an erosion of 44 percent in its market value.


Among the top 10, only Qatar National Bank. Industries Qatar and Etihaad Etisalat managed to excel in difficult times. Qatar National Bank almost quadrupled its net profit from 2007 and the impact is clearly visible, as its market capitalisation jumped to $24.97bn from $10.89bn in 2007. On the valuation part, with a correction wave spread across the globe, overall P/Ex of Club-10 slipped and reached 12, way down from 19 in 2007.


In general, all corporate houses are looking to expand their business in view of limited opportunities in the GCC, especially banks. Many of the GCC banks have concluded various deals of acquisitions and mergers across Europe and Asia Pacific to infuse momentum in their overall revenues. GCC economies are attempting to diversify their economic parameters partly away from oil.


Saudi Arabia, UAE and Qatar have taken a lead role in this. Billion-dollar projects across the various sectors, including healthcare, insurance, infrastructure and city-wide mega projects are empowering economies to sustain growth momentum, despite a vulnerability in oil prices.


With inflation becoming reduced and taking on encouraging financial policies by GCC governments – which are key sources for the bullish economic growth – the system cannot become isolated from global economic and demand growth, which may hamper future expectations and market sentiments.


Billion-dollar projects across the various sectors, including healthcare, insurance, infrastructure and city-wide mega projects are empowering economies to sustain growth momentum, despite a vulnerability in oil prices


In recent years, UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and even Kuwait have opened their doors to foreign investments. Considering attractive valuations of many businesses, such a step is bound to enhance fund flows towards these new emerging markets. The time has come to adopt more liberal policies and become competitive, which is the only way to increase confidence among global investors, and attract them for long-term foreign direct investment flows, instead of just portfolios flows.


Despite new elections held last December, Kuwait’s political strife remains a major concern, causing delays in the implementation of economic policy and overall development of projects. On the market side – despite lowering the interest rate by 25 bps – the market remained dismayed as the investors’ community believed that any such step may not conclude anything positive for overall profitability, considering large single-party and industry credit concentrations.


Also, the issue of weak corporate governance continues to play a part, which further restricted any enthusiasm in the market. Towards the end, it is important to restart the reform process, improve governance standards, overhaul social and physical infrastructure, and remove other bottlenecks to make Kuwait an attractive place to do business.


Monday, March 11th, 2013


He is due to commence talks with Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras today, with the two countries financial situations being the main point of discussion. Reports indicate that Anastasiades will be asking for Greece to provide €2bn from its €48bn bank recapitalisation package to support Cypriot lenders.


Little over a fortnight ago, Anastasiades, said that in his role as President he would make Cyprus’s bailout his top priority. This radical move shows how far he is willing to go to fulfil that promise. “We’re doing everything we possibly can to pull Cyprus out of crisis but the road ahead is not strewn with roses,” Anastasiades said in talks with Greek premier Antonis Samaras.


Cypriot banks had previously invested heavily in Greek bonds but lost around €4.5bn when the EU decided to reduce the Greek debt by about 75 percent.


The talk comes as Alexander Dobrindt, the general secretary of the Christian Social Union (CSU), said Europe should continue working on an exit strategy for Greece. Dobrindt, who is a close ally of German chancellor Angela Merkel, told German newspaper Die Welt am Sonntag: “The greatest risk for the euro is still Greece.”


He said: “We have created a situation that gives Greece a chance to return to stability and restore competitiveness. But I still hold that, if Greece is not able or willing to restore stability, then there must be a way outside the eurozone.”


Ahead of Anastasiades’s departure, Archbishop Chrysostomos of Cyprus, suggested that the island would return to the Cypriot pound if it cannot reach agreement with the troika. “If they want to destroy us [through harsh demands], then we say goodbye to the euro… We can survive with the Cyprus pound,” he said.


Monday, March 4th, 2013


After last minute discussions failed to reach a consensus, the American Congress was unable to prevent a wave of unpalatable cuts coming into effect. President Obama has since signed off on the sequester, which will see over $85bn wiped from the federal budget over the year.


When the cuts were conceived in 2011, they were meant to be as undesirable as possible for both parties, in order to force a consensus on a solution to tackle the US’s $16.6trn debt. Obama maintains that increasing taxes is the better way of balancing the books, while Republicans insist that spending cuts are the answer. “The president got his tax hikes on January the first, the Issue here is spending. Spending is out of control,” said Republican John Boehner, speaker of the House of Representatives. “I don’t think anyone quite understands how it gets resolved.”


The cuts will amount to 4.8 percent of the GDP between 2010 and 2014. About half of the $85bn cut this year will come from the defence budget. It has been estimated that the sequester, if fully realised, will slow growth by 0.5 percent and may cost up to 750,000 jobs. The cuts will total in excess of $1.2trn over the next decade. Incoming defence secretary Chuck Hagel has insisted the cuts “will cause pain, particularly among our civilian workforce and their families.


“Let me make it clear that this uncertainty puts at risk our ability to fulfill all of our missions. Later this month, we intend to issue preliminary notifications to thousands of civilian employees who put on unpaid leave.”


The impasse has come to a head as the president insists on closing a number of corporate tax loopholes. Obama has already successfully argued for a series of tax hikes that came into effect at the beginning of the year. At the end of March the temporary federal budget is due to expire, therefore a bill that will ensure the funding of the government through the end of the year must be passed. Boehner has assured that Republicans are ready to approve bill, though if it fails to pass the federal government might be forced into shut down.


“They’ve [the Republicans] allowed these cuts to happen because they refuse to budge on closing a single wasteful loophole to help reduce the deficit,” said Obama on Friday. “We shouldn’t be making a series of dumb, arbitrary cuts to things that businesses depend on and workers depend on.”


Lee mas:


Forex market during crisis


The Forex Market and the World Economic Crisis


The recent world economic crisis started in 2008, triggered by a liquidity shortfall in US banks after the collapse of the US housing market. The crisis then spread around the world, thanks to securitisation of sub-prime mortgages. Securitisation is where debt is mixed together and sold on as a new financial instrument.


Securitisation was supposed to reduce risk, but in practice it became impossible to separate good and bad debt and to understand the true exposure. This led to a loss of confidence in exposed banks around the world; some of them had to be bailed out to prevent an economic meltdown.


The global recession which followed caused high unemployment and declines in economic output. While most countries have now returned to anaemic growth, new crises loom. One of the most concerning is eurozone sovereign debt; Ireland, Portugal and Greece have already received massive bailouts, and others such as Spain and Italy are at risk.


Turbulent economic times cause volatility in the forex market:


Confidence ebbs and wanes with every piece of news


Panic selling occurs on both fact and rumour


Central banks pour liquidity into the market to prop up currencies and financial institutions


Forex traders make money when currency values change, so today's economic turbulence is an opportunity for profit. At the same time, market uncertainty creates additional risk:


Long-term traders are less affected, as short-term variations tend to even out


Short-term traders need to take particular care to avoid large losses


For forex traders, economic crisis is not a time for poverty, but for creating wealth. Take care, though; you want to end up a winner, not a casualty.


On March 31, 1991, India had foreign exchange reserves of $5.83 billion that could finance not even 3.5 months of imports. Twenty years later, on the same day, the reserves stood at $304.82 billion. These sufficed for some nine months' imports, the annual value of which had itself soared from around $ 21 billion to over $380 billion between 1991-92 and 2010-11.


The above numbers capture in a nutshell the sheer distance travelled by the country from the time it had to pledge 47 tonnes of gold from the Reserve Bank of India's (RBI) stocks to raise a paltry $405 million. The fact that this gold was physically airlifted for storing in the vaults of the Bank of England only added to the feeling of humiliation — which the likes of Greece, Portugal and Ireland are today experiencing.


There are only six countries now with larger forex reserve chests than India (see chart).


In the case of the top five — China, Japan, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Taiwan — the reserve accumulation story has followed a predictable plot. All of them have, year after year, been exporting goods and services in excess of their spending on imports and meeting other current foreign obligations.


These current account surpluses have gone to build the forex stockpile of their central banks or even spilled over as capital exports. Japan's cumulative surpluses over 1991-2010, at $2.6 trillion, have been 2.3 times its accumulated reserves. That has led to it becoming the world's No. 1 capital exporter.


India and Brazil, on the other hand, represent unique cases of countries that have amassed huge forex reserves despite running current account deficits (CAD) in most years. As an analogy, imagine a company whose ‘reserves and surplus' account keeps showing an increase even when there are no retained profits that can be taken to its balance-sheet (the ‘company' in this specific instance is actually loss-making!).


What makes the Indian story still more unique is the fact that it has, unlike Brazil, not suffered any currency upheavals. There has been no run on the rupee after 1991 — which cannot be said for the Brazilian Real. The rupee, if anything, has tended to strengthen against other currencies in recent times, the widening CADs notwithstanding.


The mechanics of accumulation


The accompanying table provides a more detailed picture of how India has managed to build its forex kitty since March 31, 1991. During the entire period from 1991-92 to 2010-11, the country's exports of goods were way below its imports, generating a cumulative deficit of $750 billion on the merchandise trade account.


This was, however, partly offset by a surplus of almost $ 590 billion on the ‘invisibles' account.


‘Invisibles' basically refer to export and import of services, as opposed to physical shipment of goods. They cover items such as software, remittance transfers (from export of ‘labour power'), tourism, insurance, freight, and a host of business, financial, project consultancy and miscellaneous services. Invisibles also encompass interest, dividends, royalties and other current receipts/outgo on account of cross-border loans and equity investments.


It can be seen from the table that India's gross invisible receipts of $1,280 billion pretty much matched its revenues from export of goods over the 20-year period, with nearly 60 per cent of the former constituted by two sub-heads — private remittances and software services.


That puts the country in the league of the US, the UK, Spain or Ireland, which have similarly humungous services export profile in their balance of payments (BOP). If one includes remittances, India's services exports would be next only to the US, the UK, Germany and France.


But with the invisibles surplus not large enough to neutralise the still wider merchandise trade deficit, it has yielded a current account gap of $161 billion. This gap has been more than adequately filled by capital inflows of $437 billion.


The resultant excess inflows — in conjunction with the valuation impact arising from the dollar's depreciation vis-à-vis other currencies in the RBI's forex basket — explains the reserve accretion of close to $300 billion between 1991-92 and 2010-11.


This pattern seems to be repeating itself in the current fiscal too, with $10.9 billion being added to the forex reserves during April-June in spite of a $31.6 billion trade deficit.


Sustaining the party


That raises a fundamental question: How long can this story continue? CADs are sustainable to the extent (a) they are within manageable limits and (b) can be financed through capital inflows or running down of reserves.


Till around 2006-07, India's annual CAD hovered below $10 billion or one per cent of GDP, which was perfectly manageable. In 2010-11, the CAD had expanded to $44.28 billion or 2.6 per cent of GDP, only marginally lower than the 3 per cent level crossed in the BoP crisis year of 1990-91


As regards capital flows, they will keep coming in so long as investors perceive the country to be an attractive destination — which means continuing to believe in the India Story.


That obviously is not the most prudent of assumptions to make in the designing of macroeconomic policy. In the long run, there is no escaping from building productive capacity at home and channelising the forex inflows received into projects that would help meet this objective.


Trade deficit: Enough forex reserve to easily finance 59% of India's imports


Nayanima Basu | New Delhi Jul 21, 2013 10:28 PM IST


"The forex reserves had depleted to a point where India could hardly finance imports of even three weeks."


This anonymous line puts the balance of payments (BoP) crisis of 1990-91 in context.


Then, the trade deficit was hardly 2.9 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP). In 2011-12, it was 10.2 per cent of the GDP and rose to 10.37 per cent in 2012-13. Two years of trade deficit touching 10 per cent and with signs of it breaching the 10-per cent mark again in the current financial year give the impression India might be on the verge of another BoP crisis.


The trade deficit makes up an important part of the current account deficit (CAD), which had touched an all-time high of 4.8 per cent in 2012-13.


In spite of that, it need not be assumed that India has reached the stage of the BoP crisis of 1990-91. The forex reserves of $284 billion could easily finance 59 per cent of India's imports, valued at $491 billion in 2012-13. Despite the increase in CAD, India added $3.8 billion to the forex kitty in 2012-13, though a small accretion.


"Today we have the wherewithal to finance at least seven to eight months' imports," said Ajit Ranade, chief economist, AV Birla Group.


He cited a paper by the commerce and industry ministry that said the government assumed the trade deficit would be $300 billion by 2013-14. So, though the trade deficit looks large, it was expected.


On the import front, it was mainly oil and gold imports exerting pressure. The large-scale import of fertilisers, coal, edible oil, steel, and iron ore also pushed up inbound shipments, though these rose just 0.3 per cent in 2012-13.


During 1990-91, exports were $18.1 billion, while imports were $24.07 billion, resulting in a trade deficit of $5.93 billion. In 2012-13, exports reached $300.6 billion, while imports were $491.5 billion, leaving a deficit of $191 billion. The deficit was $183.4 billion in 2011-12.


During the BoP crisis, the rupee was hugely overvalued. The government devalued it 18-19 per cent. Now the authorities are trying to arrest the fall, though many feel the rupee is still overvalued.


In 1991-92, exports had declined 1.5 per cent, but rose 3.8 per cent a year later. Rupee devaluation, coupled with export promotion policies, led to a rise in exports by 20 per cent in 1993-94, followed by 18.4 per cent the next year and 20.8 per cent in 1995-96.


When the BoP crisis hit, the government changed the trade policy from its highly-restrictive form to freely-tradable Exim scrips, which allowed exporters to import 30 per cent of the value of their exports. Those days, India used to export items such as gems & jewellery, engineering goods, textiles and certain agricultural products. But now it includes a lot: High-value engineering goods, refinery oil products, pharmaceutical drugs, etc.


Though the rupee depreciated 14 per cent year-on-year in 2012-13, no exporter is smiling his way to the bank. Exports dipped 1.8 per cent in 2012-13. The exports managed to grow 1.7 per cent at $24.16 billion in April, but again dipped 1.1 per cent in May at $24.5 billion. "Exporters hedge their contracts. So, those who hedged the rupee at 55 or 57 are facing losses. Also, the global demand is modest. But there is no likelihood of a default," said Abheek Barua, chief economist, HDFC Bank.


CRISIL said the global economic environment and re-negotiations of contracts by clients would limit the leverage of export companies. It said despite a falling rupee, 180 listed export companies, which make up 12 per cent of exports, reported a one-two per cent growth in revenues in dollar terms and 60-basis-point rise in earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortisation margins in 2012-2013.


Historic Perspective on India's Forex Position


India's approach to foreign exchange reserve management, until the balance of payments crisis of 1991 was to maintain an appropriate level of reserves required for importing goods and services. It was defined in terms of number of months of imports equivalent of reserves.


For example, let us say India's import for a year was USD 36 billion and India had a foreign exchange reserve of USD 4.5 billion, then it was expressed as our reserves being the equivalent of one and a half months of imports. Emphasis on import cover constituted the primary concern to managing foreign exchange reserves till 1993-94.


The approach to reserve management underwent a paradigm shift in the mid 90s.


The relevant extracts are:


It has traditionally been the practice to view the level of desirable reserves as a percentage of the annual imports-say reserves to meet three months imports or four months imports. However, this approach would be inadequate when a large number of transactions and payment liabilities arise in areas other than import of commodities.


These started happening with the liberalization that led to foreign investors investing in Indian companies either through the Foreign Institutional Investor (FII) route (Morgan Stanleys of the world investing in Indian stock markets) or through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) route (Enron investing in Dabhol Power Corporation!!). These were instance of foreign currency coming into the country. For each of these inflows, there will be a future outflow either when the FIIs repatriate their investments or the FDIs taking back profits of their investments.


In addition, liabilities may arise either for repaying loans or paying interest on loans. The new approach was aimed at determining the level of forex reserve, by paying attention to the loan repayment and interest payment obligations in addition to the level of imports.


In addition, with the opening up of the economy since the early 90s, the impact of changes in global currency markets is bound to affect Indian shores as well. Further, emphasis was placed on gaining the ability to take care of the seasonal factors in any balance of payments (foreign exchange inflows - foreign exchange outflows) transaction with reference to the possible uncertainties in the monsoon conditions of India and to counter speculative tendencies or anticipatory actions amongst players in the foreign exchange market.


Exchange Rate - Fixed Regime to Market Determined Floating Regime


During the period 1991 to 1995, India moved from a fixed exchange rate system to partial float exchange rate system to a free float or floating rate market determined exchange rate system.


In the fixed exchange regime, which India followed till 1991, the exchange rate was fixed by the RBI and was pegged to a basket of currency - US Dollars, Pound Sterling (UK), Deutsche Marks (Germany) and few other currencies.


After the Balance of Payment crisis in 1991, as part of the IMF's stabilization program, India moved to a partial float mechanism. As per this mechanism, the inward flow of foreign currency into the country by way of exports was converted into Rupee in the following ratio - 60% at a rate fixed by RBI which was around Rs.28 to a USD and the balance 40% at a market determined rate - which was generally higher at Rs.32 to a USD. However, anyone in India who wants to buy foreign currency for importing goods has to pay the market determined higher rate of Rs, 32 to a USD.


This partial float of the currency was later changed to fully floating or a market determined exchange rate system, where neither RBI nor the Government of India fixed the exchange rate and allowed the players in the market determine the exchange rate. So any foreign exchange that was brought into the country was converted at a rate determined by the market. It was the same case when anyone wanted to procure dollars for imports or to travel abroad or to buy a book from Amazon. com


enlaces rápidos


RBI Governor Rajan: India isn't in danger of crisis


30 October 2013


Media caption So-called rock star central bank governor Raghuram Rajan says India does not need the IMF


The new governor of the Reserve Bank of India, Raghuram Rajan, told the BBC in his first international interview that India has enough foreign-exchange reserves to safeguard against a repeat of the 1991 balance of payments crisis.


Mr Rajan said that India has enough money to pay for all of its short-term debts tomorrow if it needed to, as it has reserves that are equal to 15% of GDP. This is a key difference from two decades ago when the country was rescued by the IMF.


He said that a country with $280bn (£175bn) in reserves can finance itself, and points out that India's external debt is about 22% of GDP. He said that very few countries with such low level of debt has had an external crisis. Mr Rajan was also adamant about anyone who suggests that India should seek IMF assistance should know that there will be "no IMF, it's not going to happen". And that India is a creditor to the IMF.


He also points out that the current account and fiscal deficits are falling, which are the sources of concern and why some investors had left the country. It had resulted in the rupee hitting an all-time low shortly before Mr Rajan took office in early September. Since then, markets have risen strongly and the rupee has strengthened and is now approaching 60 rupees to the US dollar, leading what's been dubbed the Rajan rally.


Quite unusually for a central banker, Mr Rajan also revealed that although he tries not to comment on the appropriate level of the rupee as he "knows when it has gone too far". In his opinion, 68 rupees per US dollar that was hit at the end of August was "too weak", while 50 is probably "too strong" relative to the fundamentals of the economy.


In terms of getting the balance right between fighting inflation and supporting economic growth, Mr Rajan describes the process as "muddling through".


He sees the challenge of inflation, especially for food, as stemming from the growing demand of a population that is getting richer and demanding more foodstuffs while supply lags behind. He explained that this is why he has raised rates twice in his first two months in office, which is to reduce demand a little bit to control inflation while production catches up.


Of course, to encourage more production in India will require investment. Mr Rajan recognises this as a structural challenge for India. For a country at this level of development, manufacturing is a much smaller part of the economy as compared with services, which are about 60%.


He sees four impediments to India growing its manufacturing sector, which are infrastructure, education, regulation, and access to finance. He said that the central bank governor can only affect access to finance. Thus, Mr Rajan acknowledges that there is a limit to what central bankers can do, but stresses that there are other "rock stars" in the Indian government that are taking their agreed reform plans forward.


Mr Rajan also gave a timeframe for achieving his "five pillars" that is to improve the monetary policy framework, reform the banking system, liberalise financial markets, increase financial inclusion, and sort out financially distressed institutions. Mr Rajan says that he has a five-year timetable to achieve these aims and changing the financial sector will help India to grow.


The full interview with India's "rock star" central banker and what he thinks of that moniker will be broadcast on Talking Business with Linda Yueh on 1 November.


Use forex reserves to curb rupee volatility: Basu


Even as a section of economic analysts warn against playing forex reserves to bring about stability in local currency in view of the temporary relief from volatility in market-determined exchange trade, World Bank Chief Economist Kaushik Basu on Monday pitched for use of the foreign exchange kitty to curb volatility in the currency market.


Delivering the 16th JRD Tata Memorial Lecture here on a day the rupee continued its free fall and breached even the 63-mark against the U. S. dollar, Dr. Basu maintained that in such circumstances, it would be a good idea to utilise foreign exchange reserves instead of turning towards the International Monetary Fund (IMF).


Asserting that the current situation was not the same as in 1991, Dr. Basu said: “To use certain amount of your forex to buy and sell dollar I think [is] a good idea. [It] gives out signal that reserve has a purpose. That is broadly the direction we should go and use reserves to curb turbulence,” él dijo. Although the rupee, which has been in a slide mode during the year, got sucked into a tailspin in recent days to tank to an all-time low of 63.13 against the greenback in its biggest single-day fall of 148 paise in a decade on Monday, Dr. Basu said the government should not “overreact” to depreciation of the currency.


On the likelihood of India approaching the IMF for funds, despite having forex reserves of about $280 billion, Dr. Basu, while interacting with reporters later, said: “I don’t think we are in a situation where there is any need for that. India has enough foreign exchange reserves. So, the question of having to turn to IMF is not there”.


Arguing that the country currently was nowhere near the crisis situation as in 1991, Dr. Basu said: “Are we back to 1991? That is completely a non-question because if you just look at a couple of numbers, then you say there is absolutely no comparison. Foreign exchange reserves in 1991 was down to $3 billion; India now sits on $280 billion foreign exchange reserves,” él dijo.


On the steps taken by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to arrest the fall of rupee, he said: “Typically, what RBI has done is what central banks with floating exchange rates do”.


Bleeding rupee not to impact rating outlook: Moody’s August 20, 2013


Let the market find its own balance. The forex reserves are meant for securing the energy needs, productive import and export subsidies and to fight inflationary pressures faced by a hungry population.


Even six months forex will dry up in no time if the following happens in quick succession -


1) India is forced to buy its oil at much higher rates as is likely with recovering US economy, the demand for oil will be much higher in the US than ever before. with the world economies transacting in US Dollars for oil imports, the US is hardly likely to face forex shock.


2) India is pushed to enhance its defence preparedness by placing orders for defence supplies in US dollars.


from: r n iyengar


Posted on: Aug 20, 2013 at 00:57 IST


When Rupee started sliding a couple of months back the Governer of RBI, the Finance Minister least bothered till rupee fell below 56. when ever rupee gained 10 paise Govt makes statement that rupee is picking up and silent when it slides fast. Some one must take responsibility for making every Indian poorer by 20% with in a couple of months, due to the reason that every commodity is valued in terms of $ whhich is now stood at 125% to 130%in terms of Rupee value. Value of rupee in terms of Dollar is reqired to be fixed basing on cost of living; which means compare the cost of Roti, Kapada and Makan. If right value is taken for these three main items then the value of dollar perhaps now sould be Rs. 30/ or so. Why the Govt. of India under valued our currency ia required to be probed and should do justice to value of indian Rupee


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 23:06 IST


It is not clear whether Dr. Basu who is now sitting in the World Bank would have made such a statement while he was serving as CEA of the GOI. Rupee's fall is not an one-off occurrence. It has been sliding continuously for months. The QE policies of the Fed have become a guessing game and the market is unsure of its future course. Bondholders are up against the Fed and the Fed can ill afford to ignore this lobby. Fed's policies have upset asset values globally and led to capital flows out of EMEs. have lost the edge on all accounts and India seems to be the worst hit. Given the widening CAD and failure in the export front, the future continues to be grim. Indeed, it is an ideal time for currency traders (Soros!)to wreck the moves of central bankers. In such a situation, as Dr. Y. V. Reddy repeatedly emphasized, it is not the magnitude of reserves that matters but the "comfort level." This "comfort level" is an RBI decision does not emanate from Washington Economists.


from: K. Subramanian


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 23:04 IST


The advice of Learned Basu will help the Rupee to stand on its toes and the right use of FOREX reserves can help the growth of FOREX reserves and will avoid the anticipated FOREX crises. However, the Reserves if used for consumption of items by Imports under existing pattern of International Trade and there are no efforts made to increase the Exports significantly, the time is not very far to get 1991 problems repeated. Unless Imports and Exports are balanced, to discourage the Imports will be a right strategy to avoid FOREX crisis like 1991.


from: Mohan Jauhari


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 23:00 IST


i strongly believe that there is reprieve to our economists to regulate the heavy pounding of dollar


from: PATAN F KKHAN


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 22:30 IST


The measure suggested by basu, will take us to 91 levels, as all our Forex will be used up for fighting this depreciation, let the market forces take its place, isn't India a free economy, why you want to control it again. Again the shadow of red tape will be taking its toll on free industries.


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 22:28 IST


With due regards to Dr Basu, who is an Economist and expert, sir, do we really have enough Forex Reserves, which is at just 6 months import requirement level? Are we still complacent over the prevailing economic situation?


from: S RAVINDRANATH


Posted on: Aug 19, 2013 at 21:58 IST


This article is closed for comments. Please Email the Editor


Present situation not like 1991 crisis, says Basu


Aug 20, 2013, 04.08AM IST TNN


NEW DELHI: World Bank chief economist Kaushik Basu on Monday offered some support to the government, saying the current economic situation is not comparable with the 1991 crisis and there is no need for India to approach the International Monetary Fund, as some economists have suggested.


"Are we back to 1991? That is completely a non-question because if you just look at a couple of numbers, then you say there is absolutely no comparison. Foreign exchange reserves in 1991 was down to $3 billion, India now sits on $280 billion foreign exchange reserve," Basu, who was the government chief economist until last year, told reporters after delivering a lecture organized by Assocham.


Basu's comments come two days after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ruled out the possibility of a repeat of the 1991-type balance of payments crisis. Elaborating on his comments, Basu, who is known for his frank views, said: "Last year, India's economic growth had slowed down to around 5%, that's a very poor performance, however, in 1991, the growth was much lower than 5%."


The Washington-based economist's comments were not only in support of Singh's stance but even backed the Reserve Bank of India's steps to arrest a steep fall of the rupee against the dollar. "Supporting the currency is a typical matter. Typically, what RBI has done is what central banks with floating exchange rates do."


Last week, RBI announced stringent measures, including curbs on Indian firms investing abroad and a reduction of outward remittances, to restrict the outflow of foreign currency and stabilize rupee. Widening current account deficit, which hit to a record high of 4.8% of GDP in 2012-13, is putting pressure on rupee. The government has been taking a series of steps but has so far failed to prevent a free fall.


Basu suggested that the foreign exchange reserves could come in handy to check excessive volatility. "To use certain amount of your forex to buy and sell dollar I think (is) a good idea. (It) gives out signal that reserve has a purpose. That is broadly the direction we should go and use reserves to curb turbulence," he said while delivering the 16th JRD Tata Memorial Lecture.


He warned that the government should not "overreact" to depreciation of rupee. "There was a sudden depreciation in exchange rate but we must not overreact to that. We do need steps to correct it. The certain amount of buying and selling of foreign exchange is the technique that is done in the floating exchange rate market. that method could be strategic intervention."


India's Foreign Exchange Reserves have gone up handsomely over the last decade, from a level of near bankcruptcy in 1990-91 to almost $ 35 billion today. This is enough to finance about 9 months of Imports (compared to a horrifying Import Cover Ratio of 1 month at the time of the BOP crisis in 1990-91).


Much water has flown under the bridge and India's Forex Reserves are a testimony to the success of her economic liberalization, which has carried on apace despite umpteen elections, coalitions, hung parliaments and governments.


For the while, the Rate of Growth in Reserves is slowing down, however, and the Rupee tends to be vulnerable in such times. From here, either the Reserves may dip a bit (or remain stable) over the next few months, or there would be new rush of capital being invested in India and the Reserves can rise sharply. We would place a greater probability on the former possibility


Even as Reserves have increased, the Trade Deficit has widened, from below $ 2 billion in 1991-92 to nearly $ 10 billion (projected) for 1999-2000, a ninefold increase in 8 years. For 1999-2000 Exports and Imports are expected to total $ 36 billion and $ 46 billion respectively.


Monthly Imports can be expected to range between $ 4.2 to $ 3.8 billion over the next few months, while monthly Exports should hover in the range of $ 3.2 to $ 3.0 billion, giving rise to a monthly Trade Deficit in the region of $ 1.0 to $ 0.8 billion.


India's booming Software Exports do not feature in the Balance of Trade figures. Instead, they feature in "Invisibles" under the head "Private Transfers. Unfortunately, the data on this important item in the BOP accounts is sketchy at best and work still needs to be done to determine its impact on the BOP in a more systematic manner. It is estimated, however, that Private transfers bring in roughly $ 10 billion per annum into the country.


India, like the USA, is a net importer of Capital. Its high Balance of Trade Deficit is financed in part by Capital Equity Inflows averaging about $ 4.6 billion per annum since 1993-94. Within this, the greatest contribution so far has been that of Foreign Institutional Investors (or FIIs), who have come to rule the Indian bourses over the past couple of years. Besides that, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has been growing slowly but steadily over the past few years.


Inflow on account of new Debt issues has been lacklustre (save for the hugely successful Resurgent India Bonds floated in 1998) over the last few years because (a) corporate issuers have been hesitant to contract foreign debt due to a misplaced fear that the Rupee would depreciate and (b) India's credit rating suffered, probably unnecessarily, in the wake of the nuclear tests in 1998.


Be that as it may, India is likely to continue to run a high (and probably rising) Trade Deficit in the foreseeable and at the same time is going to grow in stature as a favoured Investment Destination. A combination of these two factors, like in the case of the USA, ought to ensure a stable to strong Rupee.


The Economic Crisis Of 1991 In India Economics Essay


Published: 23, March 2015


India is still in the developing stage.


the definition behind the developing country is that country which has relatively low standard of living, an undeveloped industrial base, and a moderate to low Human Development Index (HDI) score and per capita income, but is in stage of economic development. Usually all countries which are neither a developed country nor a failed state are classified as developing countries.


Having more advanced economies than other developing nations, but which have not yet fully demonstrated the signs of a developed country, are grouped under the term newly industrialized countries. Other developing countries which have maintained sustained economic growth over the years and exhibit good economic potential are termed as emerging markets.


The definition of developing country to any country which is not developed is inappropriate because a number of poor countries have experienced prolonged periods of economic decline. Such countries are classified as either least developed countries or failed ones.


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Development in a way is being state that modern infrastructure (both physical and institutional), and a move away from low value added sectors such as agriculture and natural resource extraction. Developed countries, in comparison, usually have economic systems based on continuous, self-sustaining economic growth in the tertiary and quaternary sectors and high standards of living.


2) What was the economic crisis of 1991 in india?


There are various factors that precipitated Indian economic crisis in 1991:


Indian Political Uncertainty:


After a poor performance in the 1989 elections, the previous ruling party Congress led by Rajiv Gandhi didn't form a government. Janata Dal, led by VP Singh formed a coalition government which got involved in Mandal commission disputes. A caretaker government under Chandra Shekhar was appointed until the new elections that were scheduled for May 1991. And finally, Raji Gandhi was assassinated in May 1991.


Increases the price of Import:


Due to problem between Iran & Kuwait, run-up in the world oil prices made petroleum imports expensive.


Less Export:


Conditions in Soviet union, India's largest export market deteriorated due to Middle East crisis and shaky growth in other trading partners also led to a slow export volume growth.


Foreign remittances declined:


Foreign remittances from migrant Indian workers in the middle east declined due to Iraq's bad relation arise with Kuwait.


Non Residence Indian's Fall out :


Reserve Bank of India had to pledge India's gold reserve to secure an emergency loan from the IMF which caused national outrage resulting in the caretaker government's ouster and Congress won the fresh elections. Â PV Narsimha Rao took over as the Prime Minister in June 1991 and installed Dr. Manmohan Singh as the Finance Minister who used the crisis as an opportunity to start liberating the Indian economy from government regulations. Rest is history.


Root cause of the crisis:


The Government borrowed from RBI to cover up the shortfall (deficit) not covered by the revenue. Money supply expanded as a result which led to high inflation. Government debt increased to 53% of GDP at the end of 1990-91 and the interest payments increased to 20% of the total central government expenditure in 1990-91.


3) what is the problem regarding current account deficit in the balance of payment? How does the current account convertibility help this?


The current account deficit


The current account deficit is the more obvious one - it's where imports of goods, services, investment income and transfers exceed the exports of goods, services, investment income and transfers.


The balance of payments deficit


Some newspaper columnists refer to a balance of payments deficit. As you know, the balance of payments always balances (see the first Learn-It of this topic) so this term doesn't really make any sense. What they mean when they use this term is that certain sections of the balance of payments are in deficit, causing disequilibria. In particular, they tend to be referring to current account deficits, or sometimes trade deficits. You need to read the context of the text in questions carefully to make sure you understand what type of deficit is actually being referred to when the term 'balance of payments deficit' is being used.


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The government introduced a system of Partial Rupee Convertibility (PCR) (Current Account Convertibility) on February 29,1992 as part of the Fiscal Budget for 1992-93. PCR is designed to provide a powerful boost to export as well as to achieve as efficient import substitution. It is designed to reduce the scope for bureaucratic controls, which contribute to delays and inefficiency. Government liberalized the flow of foreign exchange to include items like amount of foreign currency that can be procured for purpose like travel abroad, studying abroad, engaging the service of foreign consultants etc. What it means that people are allowed to have access to foreign currency for buying a whole range of consumables products and services. These relaxations coincided with the liberalization on the industry and commerce front which is why we have Honda City cars, Mars chocolate and Bacardi in India.


Components of Current Account


Covered in the current account are all transactions (other than those in financial items) that involve economic values and occur between resident non-resident entities. Also covered are offsets to current economic values provided or acquired without a quid pro quo. Specifically, the major classifications are goods and services, income, and current transfers.


1. Goods and services


Bienes


General merchandise covers most movable goods that residents export to, or import from, non residentsand that, with a few specified exceptions, undergo changes in ownership (actual or imputed).


Goods for processing covers exports (or, in the compiling economy, imports) of goods crossing the frontier for processing abroad and subsequent re-import (or, in the compiling economy, export) of the goods, which are valued on a gross basis before and after processing. The treatment of this item in the goods account is an exception to the change of ownership principle.


Repairs on goods covers repair activity on goods provided to or received from non residents on ships, aircraft, etc. repairs are valued at the prices (fees paid or received) of the repairs and not at the gross values of the goods before and after repairs are made.


Goods procured in ports by carriers covers all goods (such as fuels, provisions, stores, and supplies) that resident/nonresident carriers (air, shipping, etc.) procure abroad or in the compiling economy. The classification does not cover auxiliary services (towing, maintenance, etc.), which are covered under transportation.


Nonmonetary gold covers exports and imports of all gold not held as reserve assets (monetary gold) by the authorities. Nonmonetary gold is treated the same as any other commodity and, when feasible, is subdivided into gold held as a store of value and other (industrial) gold.


Servicios


Transportation covers most of the services that are performed by residents for nonresidents (and vice versa) and that were included in shipment and other transportation in the fourth edition of the Manual. However, freight insurance is now included with insurance services rather than with transportation. Transportation includes freight and passenger transportation by all modes of transportation and other distributive and auxiliary services, including rentals of transportation equipment with crew.


Travel covers goods and services-including those related to health and education-acquired from an economy by non resident travelers (including excursionists) for business and personal purposes during their visits (of less than one year) in that economy. Travel excludes international passenger services, which are included in transportation. Students and medical patients are treated as travelers, regardless of the length of stay. Certain others-military and embassy personnel and non resident workers-are not regarded as travelers. However, expenditures by non resident workers are included in travel, while those of military and embassy personnel are included in government services


Communications services covers communications transactions between residents and nonresidents. Such services comprise postal, courier, and telecommunications services (transmission of sound, images, and other information by various modes and associated maintenance provided by/for residents for/by non residents).


Construction services covers construction and installation project work that is, on a temporary basis, performed abroad/in the compiling economy or in Extra territorial enclaves by resident/non resident enterprises and associated personnel. Such work does not include that undertaken by a foreign affiliate of a resident enterprise or by an unincorporated site office that, if it meets certain criteria, is equivalent to a foreign affiliate.


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Insurance services covers the provision of insurance to non residents by resident insurance enterprises and vice versa. This item comprises services provided for freight insurance (on goods exported and imported), services provided for other types of direct insurance (including life and non-life), and services provided for reinsurance.


Financial services (other than those related to insurance enterprises and pension funds) covers financial intermediation services and auxiliary services conducted between residents and nonresidents. Included are commissions and fees for letters of credit, lines of credit, financial leasing services, foreign exchange transactions, consumer and business credit services, brokerage services, underwriting services, arrangements for various forms of hedging instruments, etc. Auxiliary services include financial market operational and regulatory services, security custody services, etc.


Computer and information services covers resident/non resident transactions related to hardware consultancy, software implementation, information services (data processing, data base, news agency), and maintenance and repair of computers and related equipment.


Royalties and license fees covers receipts (exports) and payments (imports) of residents and non-residents for (i) the authorized use of intangible non produced, nonfinancial assets and proprietary rights-such as trademarks, copyrights, patents, processes, techniques, designs, manufacturing rights, franchises, etc. and (ii) the use, through licensing agreements, of produced originals or prototypes-such as manuscripts, films, etc.


Other business services provided by residents to nonresidents and vice versa covers merchanting and other trade-related services; operational leasing services; and miscellaneous business, professional, and technical services.


Personal, cultural, and recreational services covers (i) audiovisual and related services and (ii) other cultural services provided by residents to non-residents and vice versa. Included under (i) are services associated with the production of motion pictures on films or video tape, radio and television programs, and musical recordings. (Examples of these services are rentals and fees received by actors, producers, etc. for productions and for distribution rights sold to the media.) Included under (ii) are other personal, cultural, and recreational services-such as those associated with libraries, museums-and other cultural and sporting activities.


Government services i. e. covers all services (such as expenditures of embassies and consulates) associated with government sectors or international and regional organizations and not classified under other items.


2. Income


Compensation of employees covers wages, salaries, and other benefits, in cash or in kind, and includes those of border, seasonal, and other non-resident workers (e. g. local staff of embassies).


Investment income covers receipts and payments of income associated, respectively, with residents' holdings of external financial assets and with residents' liabilities to nonresidents. Investment income consists of direct investment income, portfolio investment income, and other investment income. The direct investment component is divided into income on equity (dividends, branch profits, and reinvested earnings) and income on debt (interest); portfolio investment income is divided into income on equity (dividends) and income on debt (interest); other investment income covers interest earned on other capital (loans, etc.) and, in principle, imputed income to households from net equity in life insurance reserves and in pension funds.


3. Current transfers


Current transfers are distinguished from capital transfers, which are included in the capital and financial account in concordance with the SNA treatment of transfers. Transfers are the offsets to changes, which take place between residents and nonresidents, in ownership of real resources or financial items and, whether the changes are voluntary or compulsory, do not involve a quid pro quo in economic value.


Current transfers consist of all transfers that do not involve (i) transfers of ownership of fixed assets; (ii) transfers of funds linked to, or conditional upon, acquisition or disposal of fixed assets; (iii) forgiveness, without any counterparts being received in return, of liabilities by creditors. All of these are capital transfers.


Current transfers include those of general government (e. g. current international cooperation between different governments, payments of current taxes on income and wealth, etc.), and other transfers (e. g. workers' remittances, premiums-less service charges, and claims on non-life insurance). A full discussion of the distinction between current transfers and capital transfers


What liberalization has taken place in the economy since 1991?


The liberalization has taken place in the economy since 1991 as follows:


1. Freer Imports and Exports: In the pre-reform period, India's trade policy regime was complex and cumbersome. There were different categories of importers, different types of import licenses, alternate ways of importing etc. Substantial simplification and liberalisation in all these respects has been carried out in the reform period. The tariff-line wise import policy was first announced on March 31, 1996 and at that time itself 6,161 tariff lines were made free.


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2. Rationalisation of Tariff Structure: On the recommendations of the Chelliah Committee Report in January 1993, the Finance Minister announced substantial cuts in import duties in 1993 - 94, the 1994 - 95 and the 1995 - 96 budgets. The 1993 - 94 Budget reduced the maximum rate of duty on all goods from 110 per cent to 85 per cent except for a few items including passenger luggage and alcoholic beverages. The 1994 - 95 Budget further brought down the maximum rate of duty on all goods from 85 per cent to 65 per cent. This was brought down to 50 per cent in the 1995 - 96 Budget and further to 40 per cent in the 1998 - 99 Budget. The 2000 - 01 Budget reduced the peak rate of basic customs duty to35 per cent. Thus there are now only four customs duty rates of 35 per cent, 25 per cent, 15 per cent and 5 per cent.


3. Decanalisation: A large number of exports and imports used to be canalised through the public sector agencies in India. The supplementary trade policy announced on August 13, 1991 reviewed these canalised items and decanalised 16 export items and 20 import items. The 1992 - 97 policy decanalised imports of a number of items including news-print, non-ferrous metals, natural rubber, intermediates and raw materials for fertilisers. However 8 items (petroleum products, edible oils, cereals etc.) were to remain canalised. The EXIM Policy 2001 - 02 put 6 items under special list-rice, wheat, maize, petrol, diesel and urea. Imports of these items would be allowed only through State trading agencies. Their import will not be theoretically canalised, but for all practical purposes they would be so.


4. Convertibility of Rupee on Current Account: The exchange rate policy in India has evolved from the rupee being pegged to a market related system (since March 1993). The exchange rate is largely determined by the market, i. e. demand and supply conditions.


a) Partial Convertibility of Rupee:


The Finance Minister announced the liberalised exchange rate mechanism in the Budget for 1992 - 93. This system introduced partial convertibility of rupee. Under this system a dual exchange rate was fixed under which 40 per cent of foreign exchange earnings were to be surrendered at the official exchange rate while the remaining 60 per cent were to be converted at a market determined rate


b) Full Convertibility on Trade Account:


The 1993 - 94 Budget introduced full convertibility of the rupee on trade account. As a result, the dual exchange rate system was dispensed with and a unified exchange rate system introduced. Under the unified exchange rate system, the 60:40 ratio was extended to 100 per centconversion. This 100 per cent conversion was extended for almost the entire merchandise trade transactions and all receipts, whether on current account or capital account of the balance of payments.


c) Full Convertibility on Current Account:


Current account convertibility is defined as the freedom to buy or sell foreign exchange for the following international transactions:


i) all payments due in connection with foreign trade, current business including services, and normal short-term banking and credit facilities;


ii) payments due as interest on loans and as net income from other investments;


iii) payments of moderate amount of amortization of loans or for depreciation of direct investments; y


iv) moderate remittances for family living expenses.


5. Steps towards Convertibility on Capital Account: While convertibility on current account has been accomplished, convertibility on capital account is being carried out slowly and cautiously. Caution is necessary because convertibility on capital account can lead to substantial flight of foreign exchange from the country. 'Hot money' transactions can increase the volatility in foreign exchange market and create serious distortions in the entire domestic economy. Therefore, the Government of India has correctly decided to introduce convertibility on capital account only in stages. Para esto


purpose, different Union Budgets have been successfully 'opening up' and liberalising certain capital transactions.


6. Trading Houses: The 1991 policy allowed export houses and trading houses to import a wide range of items. The Government also permitted the setting up of trading houses with 51 per cent foreign equity for the purposes of promoting exports. Under the 1992 - 97 trade policy, export houses and trading houses were provided the benefit of self certification under the advanced licence system, which permits duty free imports for exports.


7. EOU/EPZ/EHTP/STP: The units undertaking to export their entire production of goods may be set up at Export Processing Zones (EPZs), Electronic Hardware Technology Park (EHTP), Software Technology Park (STP) and Export Oriented Units (EOUs). Recently certain changes have been introduced in these schemes.


8. Special Economic Zones: The annual EXIM Policy for the year 1999 -2000 announced on March 31, 1999 proposed the setting up of Free Trade Zones (FTZs) in the country. The FTZ scheme was to be operational from July 1, 1999. The idea was to insulate the zones from bureaucratic interference and export restrictions.


How do you see the rule of public sector in india in the current scenario with many of the as good as or even better than the private sector?


The private sector of a nation's economy includes institutions and organizations that are not managed by the government like private companies, banks that are not centrally managed, corporations, firms and non governmental organizations (NGO).


The public sector primarily deals with producing goods and providing service the functioning of which is controlled by the government. The public sector undertakes activities that are to be utilized by the government and the public. The private sector is often perceived to be better managed as compared to the public sector and is considered to be more efficient and professional.


The remuneration that one can acquire in the private sector is significantly higher as compared to what one can aspire to earn in the public sector as most undertakings in the public sector are not motivated by profit but are welfare based in nature while the activities in the private sector are more profit oriented. Also the working of the private sector is seen to be less susceptible to practices like corruption and excessive bureaucracy which hinder the progressive growth of any enterprise as compared to the public sector.


differentiate the role of private sector and public sector in the indian economy?


Role of Public Sector enterprises in India


We may enumerate below the various arguments put forth in support of the public sector in India.


1. Maximizing the rate of economic growth :


Originally, the activity of the public sector enterprises was to be limited to a definite field of basic and key industries of strategic importance. There were certain fields where the private enterprise was shy to operate as they involved huge investment or risk. It was the public sector alone which could build the economic overheads such as power, transport, etc. Since then the ideological objective of capturing the "commanding heights" by the public-vector bas been duly fulfilled, it succeeded in creating the necessary infrastructural base for sustained industrial growth. It has tremendously boosted the technological capabilities.


The public enterprises have firmly established the foundation for the construction of a self-generating, industrial economy. During the planned era, the public sector has-diversified its activities to cover a wide spectrum of industries. The public sector today has entered into the production of consumer goods such as bread, paper, watches, scooters, T. V. and transistor parts, cement, drugs. etc. Prof. Lakdawala is of the view that the public sector should now enter the fields of distribution and rural development as well.


2. Development of capital-intensive sector :


Industrial development of a country necessitates the foundation of an infrastructure! base. This foundation is provided by the development of capital-intensive industries and the basic infrastructure. The private sector neither has the zeal nor the capacity to invest in such infrastructural programmes. From this point of view, the public sector has a magnificent record. The State has successfully implemented various schemes of multi-purpose river projects. hydroelectric projects, transport and communication, atomic power. steel, etc. It has vastly contributed in the fields such as nuclear or steel technology, aeronautics, defense materials, ship-building and so on. It has laid down a good network of transport and communications.


3. Development of agriculture :


The public sector has an important role in the field of agriculture as well. The public sector assists in the manufacture of fertilizers, pesticides, insecticides and mechanical implements used in agriculture. Through the various research institutes the public sector has augmented agricultural productivity by introducing new high-yielding variety of seeds, preventing crop diseases and innovating new agricultural practices.


4. Balanced regional development :


In the pre-independence period a major problem was regional economic disparities. There were certain areas where there was a heavy concentration of industrial activity. On the other hand, there were certain backward areas which went without industries. Industrial development was highly lopsided. Thus Maharashtra, West Bengal, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu, etc. were highly developed industrially. States like Orissa, Assam, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh etc. were highly backward. Besides, industries used to be gravitated towards the metropolitan areas, rather than the smaller towns. But imbalanced economic development is as bad as underdevelopment.


Through the extension of public sector enterprises the Government desired to remove such regional imbalances. The State, consequently, participated in the industrial growth of the less developed areas by setting up public enterprises. Normally the private sector cannot be induced to start industries in the backward areas. White locating new public enterprises the claims of the relatively backward areas are given due consideration. The policy of dispersal of Industries aims at removing regional disparities. A conscious attempt has been made-in the successive five-year plans to accelerate the development of relatively backward areas.


5. Development of ancillary industries :


Establishment of a few big public enterprises is not enough to unleash forces of industrial development in an area. There are states like Bihar where in spite of lavish public sector investment, industrial development has not been satisfactory. Por otra parte. States like Punjab have made a vast progress because of the development of small and ancillary units. This realization made the public sector take a close interest in the development of small and ancillary units. It is expected that the development of ancillaries would have the way for rapid industrial growth of a region and lead to balanced economic development. The number of such ancillary units was 432 in 1974-75 and the number rose to 888 in 1979-80 with purchases from them increasing from Rs. 29 crores to Rs. 120 crores. It is expected that in future, ancillary development would receive more attention from the Government.


6. Increasing employment opportunities :


The growth of the public sector has led to the expression of gainful employment opportunities. In addition to the primary effect of the public sector in creating employment opportunities, public sector investments also have a multiplier effect on other sectors of the economy. This has a beneficial effect on the total employment position. In 1963-61, the number of people employed in public enterprises was only 1.82 lakhs. This figure rose to 14.08 lakhs in 1974 75 involving an increase of 671 per cent. Similarly the total amount of salaries and wages increased from Rs. 40'91 crores to Rs. 1,053 35 crores, involving an increase of 2,474.8 per cent, during the same period, In 1986-87 the number of working population in these industries stood at 22 lakhs.


7. Model employer :


Dr. R. K. Gupta has observed that in India "the State has inaugurated the era of the model employer in contrast to the employer with a feudal outlook. It has laid down guidelines for employer-employee relations and for developing good and efficient personnel." The public sector has been the pacesetter in the field of labour welfare and social security. The State aims at establishing an industrial democracy which will provide a fair deal to the workers. The public enterprises have been investing liberally on matters pertaining to labour welfare and social security. Not only the wages have been substantially increased, conditions of service have vastly improved. For instance, wages in the coal industry have nearly trebled since nationalization and many other amenities also are being provided.


8. Preventing concentration of economic power :


Preventing private monopolies and concentration of economic power is the avowed objective of our economic policy. Nationalization is considered as an antidote for the concentration of economic power in private hands. In India the public sector enterprises have grown both in number and in strength. Today, the public sector not only occupies the commanding heights in the economy, it has also penetrated into the production of essential consumer goods. The share of the public sector in the overall industrial production, has substantially gone up. This has effectively curbed the concentration of economic power. It has created a countervailing force against the growth of larger industrial houses.


9. Export promotion :


The public sector enterprises are substantially contributing to the country's export earnings. The public sector has-built up a reputation abroad in selling plants, heavy equipment's, machine-tools and other industrial products. She has created a goodwill in the third world countries-for her consultancy services and technical know-how. Public sector exports also include consumer goods. The role of the State Trading Corporation, or the Minerals and Metals Trading Corporation has been quite creditable in promoting exports. Between 1968-69' and 1984-85, the percentage share of public sector enterprises in India's export trade went up from 20.05 to 38.1 per cent. Public sector exports increased from Rs. 272 crores in 1968-69 to Rs. 4,522 crores in 1984-85. In 1976-77 the public enterprises earned Rs. 2,248 crores in foreign exchange. The public enterprises thus bad a splendid performance.


10. Import substitution :


The public sector enterprises have also-succeeded in their efforts in import substitution. Today many commodities starting from basic drugs to highly advanced equipments are manufactured in the public sector, which previously used to be imported from abroad. In certain fields public enterprises were specially started to reduce imports from abroad, and achieve self-sufficiency. Public enterprises like Hindustan Antibiotics Ltd. or Bharat Electronics Ltd. or Hindustan Machine Tools etc. have done a remarkable job in import substitution. This has resulted in saving of precious foreign exchange. Today there is a special drive in the public enterprises to utilize indigenous materials and domestic skill.


11. Production and sales :


While taking up the production of any goods or services, the private entrepreneur is guided solely by the profit motive. To maximize profit, he even does not hesitate to exploit the consumers. Very often maximization of profit is achieved at the cost of public welfare. It is only the public sector which can produce according to special needs. Sometimes it may even sell at a price lower than its cost. The total turnover of the State-owned manufacturing enterprises and service enterprises amounted to Rs. 2,650 crores in 1969-70; Total turnover of these enterprises increased to Rs. 3644.3 crore in 1981-82. This indicates that the contribution of the public sector to the flow of goods and services in the economy was quite considerable.


12. Mobilization of resources :


The public sector undertakings have played an important role in financing the planned development of the country. They have significantly contributed to the Central Exchequer in the form of interest and various taxes, etc. Besides public enterprises show an increasing trend in the generation of internal resources. From a mere Rs. 194 crores in 1969-70 it increased to Rs. 5,068 crores in 1986-87. In the total capital formation of the country more than 50 percent is contributed by the public sector.


13. Research and development :


Today no country can industrially prosper without research and development. Such research is highly essential for the introduction of new goods and new technologies of production, lowering the cost of production and improving the quality of the product. In this respect the public sector is playing a crucial role. A lot of research activities are being carried on in the laboratories of the public sector undertakings. In 1576-77, the total expenditure on research and development amounted to Rs. 32.79 crores.


14. Establishment of a socialist pattern :


In India the public sector was desired to be extended rapidly so as to establish a socialist pattern of economy. There was abject misery and poverty all round prior to the adoption of planning. Through our planned effort we not only wanted rapid economic growth but also social justice. The public enterprises aim at achieving equality of opportunity and reduction of economic inequalities.


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India not headed for 1991-like crisis, says PM


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. PHOTO: AP


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh allayed fears about the current crisis facing the economy. saying India is not heading back to 1991-like balance of payment crisis, when the country was forced to pledge its gold to pay its import bills.


"There is no reason to believe that we are going down the hill and that 1991 is on the horizon," the prime minister said in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Parliament.


Singh pointed out that India has around $280 billion of foreign exchange reserve. which is sufficient to finance nearly 7 months of imports.


In 1991, India's foreign exchange reserves had fallen to $3 billion, not enough even to cover three weeks' of imports. The country was forced to pledge its gold to pay its bills.


"We are not at that level. We will not go to that level," the prime minister said.


India's gross domestic product (GDP) growth slumped to a decade low of 5 per cent in the financial year ended March 31, 2013. Many analysts feel the economy is unlikely to recover this financial year.


However, Singh said the economy is expected to grow at around 5.5 per cent in 2013-14.


"I sincerely hope that the growth rate will be 5.5 percent in the current financial year," the prime minister said in Parliament.


Is India on the verge of another balance of payments crisis?


We have been witnessing a steady fall of our currency from Rs. 45 a dollar in 2011 to over Rs. 64 (approx.) a dollar today. The fall has gained further momentum in the last few months. Since May 2013 itself, the Rupee fell by nearly 15%. This sharp fall in the value of our currency has a cascading impact on almost all essential and non-essential commodities, hitting the lower and middle income groups the hardest. The devaluation of the currency increases the cost of our imports – like crude oil, fertilizers, medicines, iron ore etc. which in turn have a bearing on almost everything that we consume.


India Imports Breakup 2012-13


Crude oil costs are directly related to transportation costs of all goods including that of food, medicines and all FMCG goods. Increase in fertilizer costs increases the cost of agriculture and hence the cost of food. Increase in iron ore costs increases the cost of infrastructure and manufacturing, which also translates indirectly to the overall cost of goods we consume. In short, this devaluation of our currency in the last two years has made us Indians poorer by 33% compared to what we were about 2 years ago, not factoring in the growth – which incidentally has also lacked luster.


One of the primary causes for the devaluation of the Rupee is the bad shape of our economy today. India seems to be at the verge of another balance of payments crisis with a large amount of its external debt maturing in the coming one year. India has a total external debt of $376 billion, of which $172 billion (45%) is maturing in the next one year by 31 st March, 2014. This amount translates to about 60% of India’s total foreign exchange reserves of about $280 billion. In other words, 60% of our foreign exchange reserves will be offset just to repay the loans that are maturing this coming year. To make matters worse, the country’s Current Account Deficit (CAD) – which is primarily caused by the huge gap between imports and exports – has been increasing continuously for years now.


The fiscal year 2012-13 recorded the highest ever CAD of 4.8% of GDP, much above the prescribed 2.5% limit. While it may moderate a little bit this year, it is expected that the country would still need an additional $85 billion to $90 billion to fund this gap. Together with the maturing short term and long term debt, this adds a significant stress to our foreign exchange reserves, having the effect of wiping out our entire reserves in a year’s time. Further, with the U. S. Federal reserve indicating a tightening of liquidity, the FII inflows which were helping in compensating for the CAD, are also coming down. The FDI inflows are also expected to moderate considering that next general elections are only a year away and the predictions are that there will be a coalition government not led by any of the principal national parties – the Congress or the BJP. In this environment of political instability and expected tightening of liquidity by the U. S. Fed, there is a high likelihood of foreign investment (FDI and FII) falling drastically, in which case the economy will stand severely exposed.


The situation is quite alarming, and it is quite evident that both the central government and the RBI are now quite worried about the impending crisis. This is the first time after the 1991 crisis that we are looking at balance of payments concerns. The fact that this is happening under the leadership of the same man who is credited with rescuing the country in 1991 from a similar situation, can only add to the despair. We had the Chief Economic Advisor to the Prime Minister, and soon to be the next RBI Governor Dr. Raghuram Rajan, announce just a few weeks back that all options are open before them including issuing sovereign bonds – a tool employed in crisis situations to raise foreign capital – which the RBI is not in favor of.


The central government has gone on a spree of increasing FII and FDI caps in various sectors in the hope of attracting more foreign investment. It is in the processing of opening up new sectors for FDI, including FDI in defense, multi-brand retail etc. It has to be understood that FDI and FII are equivalent to foreign companies buying assets in India (hence part of capital account and not current account), and are very different from income from exports which are like earnings. This is like selling some of your assets to repay your loans and meet your expenses, which from our common sense, does not seem like a good proposition for the long-term. The government would of course argue about various other benefits of FDI like bringing in new technology, job creation etc. While this may be true, it is essential that FDI be handled cautiously to enhance our productive capabilities and not to meet some short-term capital needs. However, the fact that the government is doing all this in a rush only indicates the urgency of the situation.


¿Qué significa todo esto? How does all this affect us? What this means is that if we don’t find a way out of this crisis, very soon we won’t have any dollars or gold left for any of our imports – oil, electronics, manufacturing equipment, etc. Efforts to purchase dollars by selling rupees in the international market (because there are no more dollars with us) would result in further devaluation of the rupee because of the demand-supply gap and the desperation of our position. This will result in very steep inflation and erosion of our wealth - the impact of which I have mentioned at the beginning of my article. The depletion of our foreign exchange reserves also results in our credit rating taking a severe beating which implies that we won’t be able to raise debt at reasonable interest rates. Either we will have to pay exorbitant interest rates for getting external loans (which will itself become a vicious trap), or we will have to borrow from bodies like the IMF on their terms, leaving them to dictate our economic and foreign policy. In fact, there are already rumors around about the government talking to the IMF for a long term loan for the first time after the 1991 crisis – RBI has denied such a move. The government will have to cut down its welfare expenditure to reduce fiscal deficit, hitting the poor even harder. So if our economy fails, all of us fail – irrespective of our bank balances.


This sharp fall in the value of our currency has a cascading impact on almost all essential and non-essential commodities, hitting the lower and middle income groups the hardest.


What is the way out? While there are no easy answers to this question, one can hope to find a remedy by understanding what caused this crisis in the first place. A closer look at our overall debt shows that the short term debt is 25-30% of the overall debt. Such high short term debt is undesirable. It was about 5% in 2002-2003. The increase has been mainly due to trade related credit on account of high level of trade deficit – more imports compared to exports. The trade deficit has been funded in the last few years through this short term credit. Hence it is important to fundamentally alter this, either by curbing /substituting imports, increasing exports, or both. This can only be done by improving the investment climate in the country, reducing corruption and red-tape, and enabling structural reforms to facilitate investment in India. This investment need not necessarily be foreign, as the current dispensation seems to be inclined into thinking. In fact, it is both natural and necessary that the bulk of the investments come from within. The overall investment in our economy is about 30% of the GDP. Less than 2% comes from FDI. So more emphasis has to be laid on improving the investment climate and enabling a fair and independent regulatory mechanism in all sectors in order to promote higher investment, thereby substituting imports and increasing exports. Further, steps should be taken to reduce dependence on non-substitutable imports like crude-oil. This can only be done if consumption is reduced or made more efficient, in the form of incentives, curbs and policies. For example, improving the rail connectivity and public transport and encouraging their usage will significantly reduce the oil needs for transportation, which accounts for around 50% of our total petroleum consumption. Indian Railways share of the overall freight traffic has fallen from 65% in the 1950s to less than 30% today due, in part, to the skewed pricing policies adopted by successive governments. Similarly gold imports have to be curbed using various tools available, while ensuring that illegal smuggling of the same is controlled effectively.


Another important observation regarding the external debt breakup is that about 30% of the external debt is comprised of the commercial borrowings from corporates. This needs to be looked into carefully to understand how it can be regulated and kept under certain limits. It could be a fall-out of the high interest rate regime in the country. If RBI feels that the higher liquidity and lower interest rates will impact inflation, then it also needs to see how it should deal with the heavy borrowing that corporates would do from lower interest rate economies. It should either regulate these borrowings carefully by restricting the ECBs (External Commercial Borrowings) under automatic route, or provide the corporates lower interest rate long term loans in order to reduce external borrowings. Certainly the policy needs to be more comprehensive and consistent.


Finally, as individuals, we need to see what role we can play in helping the nation tide over this crisis. Every individual can look at his own consumption and see where he can be more efficient and frugal. Consumption is necessary for existence and leading a good life. However, unbridled consumption cannot be supported by any society, country or planet. The mantra of sustainable growth – ‘Reduce, Reuse and Recycle’ – is extremely relevant in the context of the current crisis. Further, in the current context, the consumption pattern can be changed to move away from imported goods and services to indigenous alternatives. This substitution of consumption with Indian made goods wherever possible will not only reduce our imports thereby saving our Forex reserves but also spur domestic investments, and increase the production capacities within the country, which in the longer run will help us to be more self-reliant.


Also, as responsible people, we can reduce our gold purchases till our economy recovers from the current stress. Each wedding or festival season is now a nightmare for the economic planners as gold imports surge during those months. Gold is one of our major import items after petroleum products. India spent $52.5 billion in gold imports and another $22 billion on pearls, precious and semi-precious stones in 2012-13. Consumer electronics imports at $31 billion come next. All these are areas where with responsible planning individuals like us can reduce the burden on the system. While this alone may not be sufficient to avert the crisis fully, this will definitely be of a great help in that direction.


Suman Kopparapu is an engineer by profession and works in the area of embedded systems. He is also the President of an non-profit organization called Organization for Nation's Empowerment (ONE), based out of Hyderabad. He along with a few other friends founded ONE as a non-partisan youth organization aimed at inspiring and enabling youth to participate in nation building by becoming active and inf. Más


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SOBRE EL AUTOR


Suman Kopparapu is an engineer by profession and works in the area of embedded systems. He is also the President of an non-profit organization called Organization for Nation's Empowerment (ONE), based out of Hyderabad. He along with a few other friends founded ONE as a non-partisan youth organization aimed at inspiring and enabling youth to participate in nation building by becoming active and inf. Más


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Buena. Insightful and Informative. Not sure how the message can reach general public. Someone should issue a notice in popular TV channels in the national interest. Iam ready to contribute my part if there is a group ready to do this.


Thanks for your comment Raghu. ONE (Organization for Nation’s Empowerment) is an organization which tries to empower people with knowledge, not just about this issue, but in general as well. See if you find it interesting:


It is well written for simple understanding and effective in conveying the crux of the situation, evoking responsible outlook within what we can do. Yes, making it reach general public is useful but the public accessing the social media matters more for the measures suggested. Do a bit in that manner.


Nice points/article. Couldn’t agree more about gold. One another destructive effect of gold that many of us fail to appreciate is how it locks up the capital that could be invested elsewhere. Gold is the most widely purchased non-productive “asset” out there and derives all its appreciation from the demand of gold bugs and “sentiment”. In other words gold produces no earnings. Every year $60 billion of capital is sucked out of the Indian economy even after ignoring the multiplicative effects. Even if one ignores non-legitimate sources of this money, a vast portion of that $60B are earnings that typically are reinvested in advanced economies. But again an average Indian do not have other suitable and safe investment options. Real interest rates are basically negative because the Indian Government always under reports inflation. Govt. guarantees investments only up to paltry 2 lakhs I think (as opposed to in U. S. where FDIC is up to 500 K). Unfortunately, no one is talking about increasing the interest rates for personal deposits and providing guarantee on higher level of capital (say at least 25 lakhs). One can certainly increase the interest rates on personal deposits without dragging down the broader economy.


Satish, thanks for your comments. Completely agree with you regarding Gold. It is viewed as a parallel currency and everybody is buying it speculatively. Speculative buying of gold is just like rading in foreign currency and should probably be viewed as such.


You brought up an interesting point about not having safe investment options. But why do you think our gold demand is more than that of countries with much lower interest rates compared to others? In fact, we are one of those countries where the individual savings are high. Worth studying a bit more I guess.


Surya Narayana Varma Uppalapat


Great full to you because of your explanation in a simple language that every one can understand.


I want to work along with you to get this article into public.


Very well explained article. Thoroughly researched and supported by facts. Easy to understand for newbies like me. However, I find it interesting that you did not emphasize on the manufacturing sector while suggesting a few steps on how to contain the CAD and other deficits. I thought Manufacturing is the most crucial link in finding answers to some of these problems. A nations’ exports cannot increase untill and unless the government pays attention to manufacturing vertical. And if our polity blames the global scenario for the mess that we are in, then it should also accept that the “boom” that we experienced last decade was also due to the same global scenario! In any case, there must be an attempt to fix the internal issues before pointing fingers at the global scenario. Who is responsible for retrospective taxes? Who is responsible for the MoEF sitting on investment proposals worth nearly a lakh crore and not deciding either way and thereby denting investors’ confidence? How can 14 gram sabhas not be convinced and compensated adequately and eventually, 20K Crore worth of investment had to go away in a state? These are all within the control of the government and with some effort, doable. Sadly, more often than not, it is found looking the other way.


Satish, thanks for your comments. Completely agree with you regarding Gold. It is viewed as a parallel currency and everybody is buying it speculatively. Speculative buying of gold is just like rading in foreign currency and should probably be viewed as such.


You brought up an interesting point about not having safe investment options. But why do you think our gold demand is more than that of countries with much lower interest rates compared to others? In fact, we are one of those countries where the individual savings are high. Worth studying a bit ore I guess.


Nice article Suman.


Venkata Mohan Reddy Chittepu


Good article but it puts forward only one sided argument – the gloomy side of the situation…


Other major reasons for the rupee fall out are:


1) Improved US economy – causing FDI and FII to move away from India 2) Ben Bernanke’s statement about stimulus withdrawal 3) Increased subsidies/freebies reinforced by poor administrative efficiency and vote bank policies


The first two factors not only impacted India but also other emerging economies such as S. Africa, Brazil, Indonesia and China. Relatively, India is, in fact, doing slightly better.


I would not agree that the current situation is same as 1991 crisis because our reserves in 1991 were lasting only 2 weeks and it was worsened by gulf war. Today we have reserves of $280 billions and they last for up to 8 months and we are all set to receive a good monsoon harvest this fiscal year.


Other solid solutions that the nation should think of to turn around the situation are:


1) 70% of imports are due to crude oil which is predominantly used for transport. The GOI should fund research for alternative energy sources such as Fire Ice, Shale gas, Solar energy (for reduced costs). The current allocation for S&T research is less than 1% of GDP. It should be increased to 5% and the “brain drain” should be arrested. If we can get any major break through in Fire Ice, it seems, our energy demands for next 1000 years will be taken care. This will have a mountainous positive impact on our CAD.


2) Improve the efficiency of the administration through technology. Apparently only 15% of the welfare money spent by GOI actually reach the deserving. AADHAR is the baby step towards improving the situation but we still have a long way to go.


3) On Political front, we should change the electrol process to adopt Proportional representation to curb vote bank policies and to have the GOI focus on long term policies.


4) Reduce defense budget with improved international relations with China and Pakistan. Defense is eating away major chunk of our resources.


5) On Social front, public health, public education standards should be improved so that BPL people participation in the economy improves.


6) Cottage industries should be encouraged in a bigger way so that rural population participation in the economy improves.


To Conclude, while the situation is definitely not so good, in my perspective, it is surmountable.


History of Forex Market in India


Until the early seventies, given the fixed rate regime, the foreign exchange market was perceived as a mechanism merely to put through merchant transactions. With the collapse of the Breton Woods agreement and the floatation of major currencies, the conduct of exchange rate policy posed a great challenge to central banks as currency fluctuations opened up tremendous opportunities for market players to trade in currency volatilities in a borderless market.


The market in Indian, however, remained insulated as exchange rate controls inhibited capital movements and the banks were required to undertake cover operations and maintain a square position at all times.


Slowly a demand began to build up that banks in India be permitted to trade in FOREX. In response to this demand the RBI, as a first step, permitted banks to undertake intra-day trade in FOREX in 1978. As a consequence, the stipulation of maintaining square or near square position was to be complied with only at close of business each day. The extent of position which conduct be left uncovered overnight (the open position) as well as the limit up to which dealers conduct trade during the day was to be decided by the management of the banks.


As opportunities to make profit began to emerge, the major banks started quoting two-way prices against the Rupee as well as in cross-currencies (Non-rupee) and gradually, trading volumes began to increase. This was enabled by a major change in the exchange rate regime in 1975 whereby the Rupee was delinked from the Pound Sterling and under a managed floating arrangement; the external value of the rupee was determined by the RBI in terms of a weighted basket of currencies of India’s major trading partners. Given the RBI’s obligation to buy and sell unlimited amounts of Pound Sterling (the intervention currency), arising from the bank’s merchant trades, its quotes for buying/selling effectively became the fulcrum around which the market moved.


As volumes increased, the appetite for profits was found to lead to the observance of widely different practices (some of which were irregular) dictated largely by the size of the players, their location, expertise of the dealing staff, and availability of communications facilities, it was thought necessary to draw up a comprehensive set of guidelines covering the entire gamut of dealing operations to be observed by banks engaged in FOREX business. Accordingly, in 1981 the “Guidelines for Internal Control over Foreign Exchange Business” was framed for adoption by banks.


During the eighties, deterioration in the macro-economic situation set in, ultimately warranting a structural change in the exchange rate regime, which in turn had an impact on the FOREX market. Large and persistent external imbalances were reflected in rising level of internal indebtedness. The graduated depreciation of the rupee could not compensate for the widening inflation differentials between India and the rest of the world and the exchange rate of the Rupee was getting increasingly overvalued. The Gulf problems of August 1990, given the fragile state of the economy, triggered off an unprecedented crisis of liquidity and confidence. This unprecedented crisis called for the adoption of exceptional corrective steps. The country simultaneously embarked upon measures of adjustment to stabilize the economy and got in motion structural reforms to generate renewed impetus for stable growth.


As a first step in this direction, the RBI effected a two-step downward adjustment of the Rupee in July 1991. Simultaneously, in order to provide a closer alignment between exports and imports, the EXIM scrip scheme was introduced. The scheme provide a boost to exports and with the experience gained in the working of the scheme, it was thought prudent to institutionalize the incentive component and convey it through the price mechanism, while simultaneously insulating essential imports from currency fluctuations. Therefore, with effect from March 1, 1992, RBI instituted a system of dual exchange rates under the Liberalised Exchange Rate Management System (LERMS). Under this, 40% of the exchange earnings had to be surrendered at a rate determined by the RBI and the RBI was obliged to sell foreign exchange only for imports of essential commodities such as oil, fertilizers, life saving drugs etc. besides the government’s debt servicing. The balance 60% could be converted at rates determined by the market. The scheme worked satisfactorily preparing the market for its emerging role and the Rupee remained fairly stable with the spread between the official and market rate hovering around 17%.


Even through the dual exchange rate system worked well, it however, implied an implicit tax on exporters and remittances. Moreover it distorted the efficient allocation of resources. The LERMS was essentially a transitional mechanism and in March 1993, the two legs of the exchange rates were unified and christened Modified LERMS. It stipulated that form March 2nd 1993, all FOREX receipt could be converted at market determined rates of exchange. Over the next eighteen months restrictions on a number of other current account transactions were relaxed and on August 20th 1994, the Rupee was made fully convertible for all current account transactions and the country formally accepted obligations under Article VIII of the IMF’s Article of Agreement.


1966 The Rupee was devalued by 57.5% against on June 6


1967 Rupee-Sterling parity change as a result of devaluation of the sterling


1971 Bretton Woods system broke down in August. Rupee briefly pegged to the USD @ Rs 7.50 before reneging to Sterling at Rs. 18.8672 with a 2.25% margin on either side


1972 Sterling floated on June 23. Rupee sterling parity revalued to Rs 18.95 and the in October to Rs 18.80


1975 Rupee pegged to an undisclosed basket with a margin of 2.25%on either side. Sterling the intervention currency with a central bank rate of Rs 18.3084


1979 Margins around basket parity widened to 5% on each side in January


1991 Rupee devalued by 22% July 1st and 3rd. Rupee dollar rate depreciated from 21.20 to 25.80. A version of dual exchange rate introduced through EXIM scrip scheme, given exporters freely tradable import entitlements equivalent to 30-40% of export earnings.


1992 LERMS introduced with a 40-60 dual rate converting export proceeds, market determined rate for all but specified imports and market rate for approved capital transaction. US Dollar became the intervention currency from March 4th. EXIM scrip scheme abolished.


1993 Unified market determined exchange rate introduced for all transactions. RBI would buy/sell US Dollars for specified purposes. It will not buy or sell forward Dollars though it will enter into Dollar swaps.


1994 Rupee made fully convertible on current account from August 20th.


1998 Foreign Exchange Management Act – FEM Bill 1998, which was placed in the Parliament to replace FERA.


1999 Implication of FEMA start.


Economic and Political Weekly


Coverage: 1966-2010 (Vol. 1, No. 1 - Vol. 45, No. 52)


The "moving wall" represents the time period between the last issue available in JSTOR and the most recently published issue of a journal. Moving walls are generally represented in years. In rare instances, a publisher has elected to have a "zero" moving wall, so their current issues are available in JSTOR shortly after publication. Note: In calculating the moving wall, the current year is not counted. For example, if the current year is 2008 and a journal has a 5 year moving wall, articles from the year 2002 are available.


Terms Related to the Moving Wall Fixed walls: Journals with no new volumes being added to the archive. Absorbed: Journals that are combined with another title. Complete: Journals that are no longer published or that have been combined with another title.


Subjects: Business & Economics, Asian Studies, Political Science, Economics, Social Sciences, Area Studies


Historic Perspective on India's Forex Position


India's approach to foreign exchange reserve management, until the balance of payments crisis of 1991 was to maintain an appropriate level of reserves required for importing goods and services. It was defined in terms of number of months of imports equivalent of reserves.


For example, let us say India's import for a year was USD 36 billion and India had a foreign exchange reserve of USD 4.5 billion, then it was expressed as our reserves being the equivalent of one and a half months of imports. Emphasis on import cover constituted the primary concern to managing foreign exchange reserves till 1993-94.


The approach to reserve management underwent a paradigm shift in the mid 90s.


The relevant extracts are:


It has traditionally been the practice to view the level of desirable reserves as a percentage of the annual imports-say reserves to meet three months imports or four months imports. However, this approach would be inadequate when a large number of transactions and payment liabilities arise in areas other than import of commodities.


These started happening with the liberalization that led to foreign investors investing in Indian companies either through the Foreign Institutional Investor (FII) route (Morgan Stanleys of the world investing in Indian stock markets) or through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) route (Enron investing in Dabhol Power Corporation!!). These were instance of foreign currency coming into the country. For each of these inflows, there will be a future outflow either when the FIIs repatriate their investments or the FDIs taking back profits of their investments.


In addition, liabilities may arise either for repaying loans or paying interest on loans. The new approach was aimed at determining the level of forex reserve, by paying attention to the loan repayment and interest payment obligations in addition to the level of imports.


In addition, with the opening up of the economy since the early 90s, the impact of changes in global currency markets is bound to affect Indian shores as well. Further, emphasis was placed on gaining the ability to take care of the seasonal factors in any balance of payments (foreign exchange inflows - foreign exchange outflows) transaction with reference to the possible uncertainties in the monsoon conditions of India and to counter speculative tendencies or anticipatory actions amongst players in the foreign exchange market.


Exchange Rate - Fixed Regime to Market Determined Floating Regime


During the period 1991 to 1995, India moved from a fixed exchange rate system to partial float exchange rate system to a free float or floating rate market determined exchange rate system.


In the fixed exchange regime, which India followed till 1991, the exchange rate was fixed by the RBI and was pegged to a basket of currency - US Dollars, Pound Sterling (UK), Deutsche Marks (Germany) and few other currencies.


After the Balance of Payment crisis in 1991, as part of the IMF's stabilization program, India moved to a partial float mechanism. As per this mechanism, the inward flow of foreign currency into the country by way of exports was converted into Rupee in the following ratio - 60% at a rate fixed by RBI which was around Rs.28 to a USD and the balance 40% at a market determined rate - which was generally higher at Rs.32 to a USD. However, anyone in India who wants to buy foreign currency for importing goods has to pay the market determined higher rate of Rs, 32 to a USD.


This partial float of the currency was later changed to fully floating or a market determined exchange rate system, where neither RBI nor the Government of India fixed the exchange rate and allowed the players in the market determine the exchange rate. So any foreign exchange that was brought into the country was converted at a rate determined by the market. It was the same case when anyone wanted to procure dollars for imports or to travel abroad or to buy a book from Amazon. com


enlaces rápidos


Rupee nears record low; volatility surges


MUMBAI The rupee fell to near record lows against the dollar on Wednesday, forcing the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to intervene to stem further falls on a tough day for Asian currencies.


The rupee fell to as low as 68.67 to the dollar, not far from a record low of 68.85 hit in August 2013 when India was struggling with its worst financial turmoil since the 1991 balance of payment crisis.


It was trading at 68.6100/6150 as of 11.35 a. m. down nearly 0.4 percent from Tuesday's close of 68.3725/68.3825 and taking its losses so far this year to around 3.6 percent.


In 2013 global markets were hit by fears of a "Fed taper" as the U. S. central bank sought to reduce its massive policy easing. This time around the rupee is also responding to a worsening global environment, including uncertainty about low oil prices and continued worries about China's economy.


Traders said they expect the rupee to soon test the record low, with one-month non-deliverable forwards already trading at 69.


Meanwhile, the one-month implied volatility of the currency touched a six-month high of 7.74 percent. It was 7.05 percent on Tuesday.


But traders were hoping India's sturdier economic fundamentals than in 2013 and foreign exchange reserves of near a record $355 billion could help reduce some of the concerns, though much would depend on how the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) responds.


"The rupee can go much weaker," said Ashtosh Raina, head of FX trading with HDFC Bank.


"Once it touches 68.85 (to the dollar), we need to see how the macroeconomic indicators pan out and we have to watch what the central bank does," Raina said.


Most emerging Asian currencies slid on Wednesday with South Korea's won at 5-1/2-year low on doubts over the sustainability of an oil rebound.


The rupee is the second worst-performing Asian currency tracked by Reuters so far this year. Only the won has fallen more.


Foreign investors were net sellers in the first two months of 2016, pulling $2.2 billion from India's debt and equity markets, but those outflows come after they had bought a net $12.2 billion in 2015.


The RBI sold dollars via state-run banks to prevent further falls, traders said.


RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan in September said India would be "an island of relative calm in an ocean of turmoil" and has touted the country's lower inflation and higher growth than other economies.


Rajan has indicated the RBI will step in to ease volatility in the rupee but would not manage exchange rates.


(Editing by Rafael Nam and Kim Coghill)


The Crisis in the Pakistan Economy


The Pakistan economy has been in a crisis for the last several years. Even the Supreme Court of Pakistan chose to justify its approval of the military takeover by referring to the crisis in the economy. Gen. Musharraf again cited the economic crisis to justify his support to the American military intervention in Afghanistan.


The Pakistani economy had experienced high rates of growth in the 80s, when we in India were stuck with our Hindu rate of growth. Pakistan’s per capita income in the early 1990s was about 25% higher than India (close to $500 per head compared to India’s $390). The average Pakistani was and is better fed and clothed than an Indian. While 52% of India’s population in 1992 was below $1 a day income only 11% of Pakistan's was below this poverty line. Pakistan has roughly 2 million migrant workers, roughly equal to the Indians working in the Middle East. What then is the cause of this crisis which has forced Pakistan to crawl before the IMF, not once but thrice during the last decade?


This paper looks at the evolution of Pakistan’s economic policies and growth record during the last 25 years. As the highest growth was attained during the Zia era, a considerable part of our analysis looks at the factors that lay behind this phenomenal growth record. The period after Zia’s death is analysed to understand the eruption of the balance of payments and fiscal crisis. The continuing crisis despite the better IMF medicine and its accentuation after the nuclear explosion, lie behind Musharraf’s justification for intervention. The concluding part looks at the possibility of mitigating the crisis after joining the American camp in the war against the Taliban.


Section I below looks at the economic policies during the Ziaul Haq regime and its growing dependence on foreign savings. Section II analyzes the crisis of the 1990s and the pressure from the IMF that forced the so-called democratic regimes to impose an unprecedented burden on the people of Pakistan in an era of declining foreign aid and remittances. The accentuation of the crisis after the nuclear explosion in 1998 is also delineated. The options before Gen. Musharraf and his finance minister Shaukat Aziz are discussed in Section III.


I Structure and Growth of Pakistan – Ziaul Haq Era


On the first impression the structure of the Pakistani economy looks disarmingly like India’s economy. The structure of its output is amazingly similar with the industrial sector in both the countries being 27% of GDP, and its service sector marginally larger than India’s. In both countries, the agricultural sector’s share in output has fallen below 30 per cent.


To understand this period of high growth followed by a decade long decline and re-current crisis, it is necessary to go back to the era of Ziaul Haq, who ruled Pakistan for a decade or more and fundamentally changed its economy and society. The islamisation of the society and the rise of fundamentalist social groups is well-known and partly explains the political and social crisis that has bedeviled Pakistan in the 1990s. What is less appreciated is how Ziaul Haq also changed the structure of the economy. He moved away from the populist policies of Bhutto, who stressed the importance of the state and the public sector in economic policy, and used foreign aid and remittances to make Pakistan heavily dependent on the continuous receipt of savings from abroad.


To appreciate the factors behind the current crisis, we need to go back to growth and development strategy under Ziaul Haq, when the Pakistani economy grew at rates far higher than India’s. While the Indian economy in the 1980s grew at 5.5% per annum the Pakistani economy grew at about 7% per annum. Its agriculture expanded at twice the rate in India, thanks to the completion of two large dams and irrigation projects.


Ziaul Haq came to power overthrowing Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977 and imposed marshal law. The military intervention came after strong public protest against Bhutto, which started in the wake of alleged irregularities in the election held in March 1977. Zia’s takeover was with the declared purpose of resolving the impasse between Bhutto’s People’s Party and the combined opposition with a promise to hold free and fair elections within 90 days. Bhutto’s continuing popularity and the fear that his return to power through free elections could unleash a vendetta against the top military leadership, prompted Zia and his colleagues to postpone elections. Zia used the Lahore High Court judgement finding Bhutto guilty of complicity in the murder of a political opponent in March 1978 to imprison Bhutto and its endorsement by the Supreme Court helped Zia order his execution in April, 1979. This set the stage for a long military rule, which ended only with Zia’s sudden death in a mysterious air-crash in August 1988.


After Bhutto’s elimination, Zia’s legitimacy was at a low ebb and he was under pressure from the western governments to restore parliamentary democracy. However, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December, 1979 gave a new lease of life to the Zia regime as it softened the internal and external pressure for broader political participation. Zia finally ordered elections on a non-party basis in March 1985, after amending the constitution that substantially increased the powers of the President. Following the elections, Zia picked Muhammad Khan Junejo as the prime minister. But Junejo’s assertion of authority led to a conflict with Zia and his government was dismissed in 1988.


Zia’s long rule fundamentally changed the Pakistan economy and society. Firstly, Zia used his efforts to Islamize society to broaden his political support. Secondly, the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and Zia’s highly successful efforts to mobilise and coordinate large external assistance for the mujahedins from diverse sources such as the USA and Saudi Arabia, increased his political standing and control after 1980. Third, Zia extended the role of the army in governance through extensive use of military intelligence, appointment of senior officers to key positions in public administration and dispensation of patronage to the armed forces, thus creating a strong vested interest for the army in continuation of his regime. But all these would have been insufficient to hold power for more than a decade, specially since the Pakistani army stood accused of atrocities in East Pakistan and the ultimate creation of Bangladesh as a independent nation. What helped him most was a period of high and sustained rate of economic growth and a dramatic fall in absolute poverty. The economy expanded by nearly 6.6% per annum with moderate inflation. This growth was broadly shared amongst different segments of the population with increases in real wages in urban and rural areas, which resulted in a decline in poverty.


The Pakistani economy under Zia benefited from a number of special factors, both domestic and external. The completion of the long gestation period Indus Basin Tarbela Dam helped unleash an unprecedented agricultural growth, while fertilizer and cement investments undertaken under Bhutto contributed to the industrial growth. Yet this would not have been sufficient for the high rates of growth or reduced the pressure on Zia to raise resources for investment. A tremendous boost to economic activity was provided by rising worker remittances, which rose to a peak of US $3 billion in 1982-83. In 1982-83, these remittances were equivalent to 10% of the gross national product of Pakistan. Zia also successfully negotiated with USA for larger external assistance, unprecedented in the history of Pakistan. In addition to direct assistance to Pakistan, the United States and allies funneled about US $5-7 billion to the Afghan Mujahedins through Pakistan, providing further boost to the local economy. Similarly, the narcotic trade which gathered momentum in the 1980s strongly supported the service sector of the economy.


Unlike Ayub, Zia did not have a clear long-term vision about the economic future nor a long-term strategy. He left the day-to-day management of the economy to his Finance Minister Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Khan abandoned Bhutto’s strategy of increasing state intervention and public sector investment. The economic policies became market oriented. Buoyant remittances and aid eased the foreign exchange constraints on the economy. This helped Zia-Khan to move to a flexible exchange rate regime, improving the incentives for exports. The loosening of the controls also led to a surge in private investments (which had fallen sharply during Bhutto) both for agriculture and industry.


In 1977, Pakistan’s GDP was only US $15 billion. The increase in remittances to $2-3 billion over the next few years served as a powerful source of economic expansion, providing strong support to the balance of payments. In the first half of the 1980s workers remittances exceeded the total earnings from merchandise exports.


Unfortunately, the workers' remittances boom did not translate into higher rates of national savings and investments. Most of the remittances were directed to consumption and this played a major role in reducing poverty.


Table 1: Pakistan: Growth Rates (per cent per annum)


Source: Economic Surveys and IMF Balance of Payments Yearbook, various


Agricultural growth increased to 4 per cent per annum from a dismal 2 per cent during 1972-77, and played an important role in accelerating GDP growth in the Zia era. Many factors contributed to this. Production during the Bhutto years had been adversely affected by exceptionally poor weather, both droughts and floods. The additional water availability from Tarbela Dam after 1976 of nearly 10 million acres feet augmented irrigation water supply by more than 10 per cent. Domestic fertilizer production of nitrogenous fertilizer nearly trebled during the first half of 1980s. The use of fertilizer per hectare increased from 30 kg. in the mid 1970s to 80 kg. by the mid 80s. The increase in support prices for wheat and cotton improved agriculture incentives. Livestock sector too expanded and grew by more than 5.5 per cent in 1980s, thanks to the increasing demand for milk, meat and poultry. The share of livestock in total agricultural sector increased from 26% in 1980-81 to 32 per cent in 1994-95.


Industrial Growth and Exports


The expansion of the industrial sector under Zia was equally impressive. Manufacturing sector growth during 1977-88 was over 9% per annum (Table-1) and compared very favourably with a growth of 3.7% during 1972-77. Several factors explain this rapid industrial expansion. First, the large public sector investment, which started under Bhutto and continued in the early Zia period, resulted in major increase in steel, cement, fertilizer and vehicle production. The public sector steel mill started production in 1982 and reached a high capacity utilization by 1984-85. Second, incentives for manufactures goods exports were strengthened by the introduction of a flexible exchange rate policy in 1982, and by increasing the rebates of custom duty and sales tax for exports by the introduction of direct export subsidies in 1978-79. Manufactured export grew by 13 per cent per annum in the 1980s. Third, the investment climate for the private sector was improved by providing guarantees against future nationalisation and tax concessions. Few enterprises nationalized by Bhutto were handed back to the former owners and licensing and investment controls were relaxed by raising the limit for units not requiring any sanction from Rs. 60 million to Rs. 300 million in 1984 and further to Rs. 500 million in 1987. As a result of this the private sector investment in manufacturing grew by 9.5 percent per annum during 1978-83 and accelerated further in the last five years of Zia regime. The private sector share in the new industrial investment by 1988 had risen to over 90 per cent in contrast to about 25 per cent in 1976-77.


The revival of the private industrial investment helped to expand the capacity in the traditional industries like cotton textiles and cement. The rapid growth of raw cotton production, thanks to the improved irrigation, gave fresh impetus to textile production specially cotton yarn production. Like India, the cloth production was moving out of the large mill sector towards decentralised power looms. Pakistan soon emerged as a major exporter of cotton yarn, with the 1989-90 yarn exports exceeding the cloth by more than 50 per cent. Export of cotton goods fuelled the manufacture export boom of the 1980s with over 60 per cent of the increase in the value of exports attributable to cotton, cotton textiles and garment export. The share of cotton and cotton goods export in the total export of Pakistan increased sharply from 40 per cent in 1979-80 to 60 per cent in 1989-90. The gradual depreciation of the Pakistani rupee from Rs. 9.9 per dollar in 1981 to Rs. 18 per dollar by 1988 provided valuable incentive to the exporter.


Despite the boom in manufacturing and exports the industrial sector in Pakistan suffered from many weaknesses. The industrial development was constrained by the small size of the home market, particularly after the creation of Bangladesh. The industrial sector in Pakistan remained rather narrow and undiversified. Even in 1990-91, more than 40 per cent of the industrial value added was contributed by food and textiles. The share of industries which were exclusively based on indigenous raw materials, still accounted for 60 per cent of value added. The removal of quantitative restrictions on imports along with the reduction in import tariff on raw materials and intermediate goods during the 1980s led to some diversification of manufacturing output. However, the reduction in import barriers undermined the import substitution strategy of industrialisation in Pakistan.


Investment and Savings in the Economy


The high economic growth during the Zia period was not accompanied by a rapid rise in investment. Gross fixed capital formation as a percentage of GDP was about 17 per cent during 1977-88, marginally below the level of Bhutto era. How was it possible to obtain a growth of 7 per cent per annum with a relatively modest investment rate? Was Pakistan extraordinarily efficient in the use of capital resources?


To some extent the pattern of growth in Pakistan, specially the expansion in the service sector which requires lower investment levels, lowered the capital-output ratios and pushed up the growth rate. Some argue that the shift in the industrial investment from public to private also may have contributed to some gain in efficiency (Hasan; 1998). However, Zia also reaped the fruits of large investment in long gestation projects made by Bhutto. Despite all these, there is no doubt that the investment level under Zia was inadequate in relation to both current needs and future requirements. Serious shortages of infrastructure, specially energy, transport and urban development had already developed by the mid 1980s. Unlike Bhutto Zia left no large-scale project under implementation.


The low rate of investment during 1980s was due to the failure to mobilise sufficient domestic resources in the public sector. Despite the massive increase in the workers’ remittances, the national saving rate only moved up marginally to about 14 per cent of GDP (Table 3). It appears that while private savings increased, public savings declined during the Zia era. The domestic savings (excluding workers’ remittances) declined to about 6 per cent of GNP by 1980 or financed only about 40 per cent of gross domestic investment.


The fiscal crisis that gripped the economy in the latter half of Zia era can be largely explained by the surge in military expenditure. In nominal terms, the military expenditure rose from Rs. 8 billion (or 5.4 per cent of GDP) in 1976-77 to Rs. 47 billion by 1987-88 (7 per cent of GDP). Combined with the major increase in the size of the economy, this meant a growth in real defence spending of over 160 per cent or more than 9 per cent per annum. This rate of growth in military spending was faster than any other period in Pakistan history.


Table 3: Investment / Savings Trends (Annual Averages) As percentage of GDP


Source: Pakistan, Economic Surveys . various.


Zia justified this increase in military spending on the ground of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. He also increased the salaries and privileges of the armed forces that emerged as an important constituency of support to his regime. Combined with an increase in debt burden and increasing interest, the outlay on development was squeezed. This militarisation of the economy disturbed the balance between defence and public sector development outlay, which increased only at 3-3.2 per cent per annum as a percentage of GDP. Public development expenditure declined from about 10 per cent in 1976-77 to 6.9 per cent by 1987-88. At the beginning of Zia’s rule, the public sector development outlay had been nearly double the level of defence spending. A decade later the defence spending was as large as development outlay. A part of the increase in military spending was related to liberal benefits and amenities for military personnel. Similarly, the enormous increase in domestic debt which rose from Rs. 58 billion in 1981 to Rs. 290 billion in 1988 and further to Rs. 900 billion in 1996, led to a sharp increase a interest payments. During the Zia era the interest payments from the government budget increased eight times (Rs. 4 billion to Rs. 32 billion).


Ghulam Ishaq’s efforts to impose heavy taxation in 1979 met strong public resistance and were soon abandoned. The government shifted to large-scale borrowing at the end of the Zia regime. The unsustainability of large fiscal deficits and growing domestic debt undermined future growth and monetary stability.


Despite the shortcomings, rising incomes and increasing transfer payments, thanks to the remittances from workers, led to a sharp reduction in poverty. Real wages in agricultural industry rose rapidly and outward migration helped urban wages to rise.


As a strategy of emphasis on Islamic values and code of conduct, Zia announced a plan for an Islamic economic system in 1980. He institutionalised zakat and introduced interest-free banking. Zakat is one of the pillars of Islam according to which well-to-do muslims are required to distribute two and half per cent of their wealth annually. Under Zia’s zakat ordinance, the financial assets in the banking system and saving instruments were subject to 2.5 per cent deduction annually. By 1988, this provided Rs. 2.5 billion and was diverted by Zia to the poverty alleviation programmes for the vulnerable groups.


II Economic Management under Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif .


The period after Zia’s death has been marked by a great deal of political instability, slow economic growth and recurring foreign exchange crises. Pakistan had to go to the IMF for bail-out packages thrice. The successive elections following the frequent dismissal of governments did not provide for strong and clear mandate or stability. The elected governments were not only politically weak but also dominated by strong vested interests.


Benazir Bhutto was elected in December, 1988 and dismissed by president Ghulam Ishaq Khan in August, 1990. Nawaz Sharif became the prime minister after another election in 1990 and was dismissed in April, 1993, but restored to his office by the supreme court ruling. Both Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Khan resigned in 1993 and after a weak caretaker government for three months Benazir became the prime minister till she was dismissed by President Leghari in November, 1996. In 1997 Nawaz Sharif again won with a large majority till he was overthrown in the military coup led by General Musharraf.


Under these circumstances, the serious economic and social problems inherited from the Zia period have deepened. The period after 1988 witnessed a sharp decline in the growth rate of the economy, acceleration in inflation, worsening income distribution and increasing poverty. The most serious manifestation of this worsening situation were the crises of 1993 and 1996 in the foreign exchange position and coincided with the problems between the president and the prime minister. Frustration with the economic policies of the elected governments contributed to the exercise of extraordinary constitutional powers by president Ishaq Khan. Unfortunately, both Benazir and Nawaz were either unwilling or unable to halt the decline.


When Benazir Bhutto came to power, the macro-economic imbalances in the Pakistan economy were large. The fiscal deficit had risen to a new peak of 8.5 per cent of GDP and the current account deficit in balance of payments was growing. Investment rate had stagnated for more than ten years and spending on social development had fallen. With growing interest payments, the room for manoeuvre in public finance was limited. The agreement with the IMF negotiated by the transitional government of president Ghulam Ishaq, and which had fiscal deficit reduction as a key target were not seriously implemented by the elected government.


When Nawaz Sharif came to power in 1990 he set upon a fundamental liberalisation of the foreign exchange regime, relaxation of investment controls, privatization of public assets and increased incentives for domestic and foreign investment.


The latter half of the 1980s had seen a gradual decline in the workers’ remittances. In addition interest payment on foreign debt continued to rise. In 1992 the government also allowed Pakistani residents to hold foreign exchange in designated accounts if the funds were received from overseas. An increasing part of monetary assets came to be held in the form of foreign currency deposits. The exemption of these deposits from zakat and other taxes, attractive interest rates compared to those available on foreign currency deposits abroad and above all quick erosion in the value of domestic monetary assets through inflation encouraged the dollarization of the economy.


The elected government of Pakistan inherited an economy in deep fiscal crisis. The fiscal deficit was as large as 8.5 per cent of the GNP. In addition, the decline of remittances and widening trade deficit had worsened the balance of payments position. Pakistan approached the IMF for the structural adjustment facility in 1988 and accepted the target of reducing the fiscal deficit to 4.8 per cent by 1990-91. However, the deficit continued and reached a new peak of 8.7 per cent in 1990-91 despite the disbursement of $900 million by the IMF. Pakistan negotiated a new agreement with IMF and agreed to reduce the fiscal deficit to 4 per cent in 1994-95 and 3 per cent in 1995-96. However, Pakistan could achieve a deficit of 5.8 per cent in 1994-95.


Under pressure from the IMF the elected governments made serious efforts to raise the tax revenue. Heavy taxes were imposed during the 1991 to 1998 period. The level of additional taxation ranged from a high of 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1994-95 to a low of 0.6 per cent in 1995-96. Altogether, the additional taxation proposed amounted to an extraordinary 8.2 per cent of GDP in a relatively brief period of six years. The increasing tax burden and declining social spending added greatly to the unpopularity of the governments. The continuing pressure from the IMF and the rising debt forced the governments to accept such expropriatory taxation as a lesser evil than reducing non-development spending or military expenditure. Despite this heavy taxation, the tax revenue did not increase and undermined the credibility of the government. There are few parallels where additional taxation of this magnitude has been successfully introduced year after year under a democratic regime. As the fiscal crises grew, the defence spending declined from 7 per cent of GDP in 1988 to 5.5 per cent in 1996, but development expenditure drifted even more sharply from 7 per cent to 4.3 per cent of GDP. The civilian governments were thus unable to restore the balance between military and development seriously upset during the Zia years.


However, the liberalisation of the foreign exchange regime and opening of foreign currency accounts changed the balance of payments position. Foreign ‘aid’ declined, as the governments continuously failed to meet the targets set by IMF.


Table 5: Resident Foreign Currency Accounts


Source: Pakistan, Economic Survey . 1997-98 & 1988-89.


The situation was partly mitigated by the increasing deposits in the foreign currency deposits. The workers’ remittances were diverted to these foreign exchange accounts with the total deposit rising to $4 billion by 1996 and to $7 billion by 1998.


The rates of GDP growth declined sharply in 1990s as political instability and declining public expenditure on development eroded the stimulus to growth, resistance to new irrigation project put a limit to the expansion of agriculture. Despite varying weather condition, agricultural output still expanded by 4 per cent per annum during the 1990s, a remarkable rate of growth. However, the industrial growth declined from 8.2 per cent in 1980s to 4.6 per cent in 1990s with the large-scale manufacturing showing a more acute decline in growth rates. Overall the entire GDP growth rate declined from 6.5 per cent achieved in 1980s to 4.5 per cent in 1990s.


Table 6: Head Count Ratio of Poverty in Pakistan


Source: Amjad and Kemal (1997)


What is even more alarming, there was a sharp increase in the incidence of poverty in Pakistan. It is not very clear what led to this sharp increase in the incidence of poverty from a low 17 per cent in 1988 to a doubling of the head count ratio to 33 per cent in 1999. Declining public expenditure, IMF-prompted fiscal adjustment as well as poor harvests and declining remittances, all played a part.


A most serious problem was developing on the export front. Pakistan’s exports were stagnant during the 1990-95 period at about $6.5 billion and rose to $8.2 billion in 1995-96 and again declined to $6.4 billion by 1999-2000. Similarly, imports rose from $7.6 billion in 1990 to about $12 billion in 1996-97 to decline to $8 billion in 2000.


III The Bomb and After


When Pakistan exploded a nuclear bomb in 1998, its trade and balance of payments were in disarray. Workers’ remittances have stagnated around the $1 billion mark and the current account deficit was $2.5 billion. As the Western countries imposed sanctions on Pakistan and the IMF cut off its assistance, the crises in the balance of payments deepened. The government of Nawaz Sharif faced difficult choices. As depositors tried to withdraw deposits from the foreign currency accounts, the government hit the panic bottom and froze these accounts. This single act of the government undermined its credibility and accentuated the capital flight from Pakistan.


The official statistics of Pakistan show the declining level of foreign trade and workers’ remittances which fell to as low as $700 million in 1999-2000. It is likely that many of the transactions moved to unofficial channels. Indeed, the current finance minister of Pakistan Mr. Shaukat Aziz estimates that the total remittances of workers to Pakistan are approximately $6.5 billion of which only $1.5 billion move through official banking network.


The military government that seized power tried to grapple with the worsening economic situation. The economy has been plagued by imbalances in the balance of payments and in the fiscal situation. Pakistan’s total budgetary resources were 15 per cent of the GDP. Out of this, 5 per cent goes into civil administration, 4 per cent to defence and the rest to debt servicing. And therefore nothing is left for development purposes. A poor harvest due to a severe drought in 2000-01 led to a decline in agricultural production by 2.5 % and brought the GDP growth down to 2.2 per cent, the lowest in 25 years. The exports of Pakistan are stagnant for a decade and today less than the peak of 1995 by $2 billion. The fiscal correction promised by the military regime is yet to be realised.


General Musharraf has justified joining the American campaign in Afghanistan on these economic crises confronting the country. He had promised the people that liberal ‘aid’ from international agencies like the World Bank and IMF as well as from other western governments will help to turn around the Pak economy. Like his predecessors he has made efforts to impose the general sales tax and used military courts to speed up collection and check evasion. As promised by the western countries ‘aid’ has once again begun to flow into Pakistan. IMF has sanctioned a short-term facility of $300 million while the ‘aid’ Pakistan consortium has rescheduled Pakistan’s debt of $28 billion. In addition, ‘aid’ from the Asian Development Bank, World Bank and the governments of Japan and United States have been resumed. It is likely that in the current year Pakistan will be able to ease its balance of payments and resume imports to speed up growth.


However, serious problems still remain to be tackled. With IMF-induced trade liberalization the large-scale manufacturing industry is in doldrums. The dispute with the Hub Power Company and the worsening climate for foreign investment has led to a reduction in portfolio investments. The fiscal deficit continued to be large and despite the use of force the government has failed to meet its target of tax collection. Without more radical changes in the structure of the economy and resumption of export growth Pakistan is unlikely to be able to stablise its economy.


Will the military regime succeed in putting an end to this prolonged crisis, where the elected regimes have failed? Will Musharraf and his team of technocrats be able to restore stability and confidence? It is very unlikely. The coming elections are likely to be held against the background of a worsening social situation and a polarized social divide.


A lot depends on the restoration of confidence in the government to bring forth private investment, both indigenous and foreign, as well as check capital flight. The military regime has tried to pass a law to make future seizure of foreign currency accounts illegal. But then, past governments have not hesitated to ignore such restraints. It is unlikely that without the full restoration of parliamentary democracy, an end to the militarisation of society and a cut in military expenditure, Pakistan can hope to resolve the economic crisis let alone halt and reverse the growing impoverishment of the masses.


Ahmed V. and R. Ahjad, (1994), The Management of the Pakistan’s Economy 1947-82 . OUP, Karachi.


Amjad, R. and A. R. Kemal (1997), ‘Macroeconomic Policies and their Impact on Poverty Alleviation in Pakistan’, The Pakistan Development Review 36:1.


Anwar, T. (2001), ‘Impact of Globalisation and Liberalisation on Growth Employment and Poverty: A case study of Pakistan’, paper presented at WIDER Development Conference on Growth and Development, Helsinki.


Gazdar, H. (1999), ‘Poverty in Pakistan: A Review’ in Khan S. R. cited below.


Hasan, P. (1998), Pakistan’s Economy at the Crossroads . OUP, Karachi.


Khan, Shahvuk Rafi (Ed.) (1999) Fifty Years of Pakistan Economy, OUP, Karachi.


Kemal, A. R. (1999) ‘Pattern and Growth of Pakistan Industrial Sector’ in Khan, S. R. (Ed.), Fifty Years of the Pakistan Economy . OUP, Karachi.


Kemal, A. R. (2001), ‘Structural Adjustment, Macroeconomic Policies and Poverty Trends in Pakistan’, paper presented at Asia and Pacific Forum on Poverty: Reforming Policies and Institutions for Poverty Reduction . held at the Asian Development Bank, Manila, 5-9 February 2001.


Pakistan (various), Economic Survey . Islamabad.


State Bank of Pakistan (various), Annual Report , Karachi.


World Bank (2002), Poverty In Pakistan in the 1990s: An Interim Assessment . Washington.


Click here to return to the April 2002 index.


Can forex reserves stabilize exchange rates?!


The Indian rupee has witnessed tremendous depreciation in value since the past two months, and experts opine that this is going to continue further. The central bank of the country – RBI has not been very aggressive in stemming the fall of the rupee, and opinions have been mixed in the street on actions to be taken.


Why does the exchange rate become volatile?


Before we look at how forex reserves can be used to stabilize exchange rates, and if this should be done or not, let’s examine why the exchange rate varies and become volatile. Exchange rate varies because of the demand and supply of the currencies in question. For instance, the recent appreciation of the dollar against the rupee has been due to the high demand for the dollar, leading to a decreased dollar supply. Lower dollar supply has made it more expensive, thus resulting in a devaluation of the rupee. Expectations that USA will reduce Quantitative Easing measures and the gradual, steady increase in rates in the developed countries has resulted in a steady outflow of dollars from the emerging economies. India, characterized by a high inflation has been the worst hit, resulting in a high US dollar outflow, making the US dollar appreciate against the Indian rupee.


How can Forex reserves be used to stabilize exchange rates?


We next look at how RBI can use the forex reserves to reduce this depreciation of the rupee. As the exchange rate is primarily determined the supply of the dollar within the country, RBI can control this by controlling the supply of currencies. By buying or selling the US dollar through money market operations, the rupee can be made to depreciate or appreciate respectively. For example, in the current scenario, as the US dollar supply is low in the country, RBI sells some dollars from its forex reserves into the market and buys rupees in exchange. This increases dollar supply and reduces rupee supply. This increases the value of the rupee, causing it to appreciate. On the other hand, if there is a scenario when the dollar supplies are huge, the dollar will depreciate and the rupee appreciates significantly. In this case, Indian exports will suffer due to the rupee appreciation. RBI then buys dollar from the market to reduce the dollar supply, and sells rupee. This results in an increase in the forex reserves. As rupee supply increases, the value of rupee depreciates. This is the way forex reserves are used to monitor exchange rate – if forex reserves are sufficient, RBI can play with the exchange rate for a longer duration.


Should Forex reserves be used to control exchange rates?


India currently sits on about $280 billion foreign exchange reserves. Although the working of forex reserves to control exchange rates looks uncomplicated from a theoretical viewpoint, it is not really simple due to the complexity of inter-related factors. While use of forex reserves to bring about stability in the local currency has not been advised by many economists, there is a section which believes that this is an effective way to curb rupee depreciation. Citing that India’s present situation is very different from the 1991 crisis, when forex reserves were as low as $3 billion, World Bank Chief Economist Kaushik Basu recently indicated that forex reserves can be used to curb the rupee volatility, rather than turning to IMF. However, the view by a certain section of economists is that forex reserves should not be used for playing with the exchange rate and that the market will find its own balance. As the current rupee depreciation is not a one-off case, and as it is dependent on several other factors like US policy actions, India’s growth prospects and the inflation scenario in the country, playing with forex reserves may not be the best of options to stabilize the exchange rate. This can bring about temporary relief in the markets. The right exchange rate which benefits both imports as well as exports in the country can be achieved by means of structural change in policy reforms, active measures to bring down inflation and looking at ways of bringing down the Current Account Deficit scenario in the country.


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Agencies estimate that the total loss to the exchequer in terms of duty drawback falsely claimed by the accused is to the tune of Rs 250-300 crore. However, the foreign exchange violations as of now are being calculated at over Rs 6,000 crore.


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What has complicated matters further is the revelation that while remittances were sent to Hong Kong and Dubai via banks, actual exports were sent toAfghanistan. “The records show that the alleged exports were sent to Afghanistan but invoices were generated by Hong Kong importers. It is now amatter investigation as to who received them in Afghanistan and what the exports were linked to,” said an ED officer.


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Elaborating on the suspected role of other banks, an ED officer said, “We have as yet scrutinised only 28 accounts. As investigations progress, moreaccounts may be found and more banks may come under the scanner. We already have a complaint about a bank where such transactions can be traced backto a decade ago.”


Mobile-friendly · 15-10-2015 · Rs 6,000-cr forex ‘scam’: More banks may be involved; exports went to Afghanistan One …


Sources in the agency said in the past 10 years some banks have taken over the role of hawala operators. This suits both the bank and the exporters. The bank generates business and the exporter saves money as hawala transactions cost Rs 1.60 per dollar sent abroad while the same transaction througha bank costs Rs 1.20. The agency is also preparing to attach properties of the arrested accused and has already identified some that were bought withthe proceeds of the crime. Sources said in the six months following the opening of suspect accounts in HDFC Bank, Kalra made over Rs 1.5 crore viacommissions of 30-50 paise he earned as commission per dollar sent abroad. Dhawan, too, made close to Rs 16 crore from the suspected accounts.


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forex crisis killer. Much before 59 accounts, which are under the scanner of the ED and the CBI, were opened in BoB, 13 accounts were opened in HDFC Bank duringFebruary-March 2015 to send money abroad. It was HDFC Bank forex officer, Kamal Kalra — under ED custody — who allegedly introduced the unscrupulousexporters arrested in the case to BoB.


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According to the ED, the accused floated shell companies in India and Hong Kong. The Indian companies exported overvalued products by generating fakebills and the Hong Kong companies submitted fake import bills to claim duty drawback. The difference in the bills and actual value was moved throughbanking channels just as it happens through hawala networks. forex crisis killer.


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The alleged over Rs 6,000-crore Bank of Baroda (BoB) forex scam is threatening to open a Pandora’s box in the banking sector. While BoB and HDFC Bankemployees have already been arrested by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED), investigations have found thatmore banks could be involved.


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One complaint in this regard, involving a bank other than BoB and HDFC Bank, has already reached ED headquarters and a case may be registered afterthe probe.


Macromanagement and Business Environment: Analysis of the 1991 Indian Economic Crisis


Acharya, Shankar (2002): ‘Macroeconomic Management in the Nineties’, Economic and Political Weekly, April 20


Acharya, Shankar (2003): ‘India’s Economy: Some Issues and Answers’, Academic Foundation, New Delhi


Ahluwalia, S Montek (1999): ‘India’s Economic Reforms - An Appraisal’, The Planning Commission, Articles, Aug 26


Bery Suman, Bosworth Bany, Panagariya Arvind (2005): ‘India Policy Forum, 2005–06’, Brookings Institution (Washington D. C.) and the National Council of Applied Economic Research (New Delhi), Sage Publications


Cerra Valerie and Saxena Sweta Chaman (2002): ‘IMF Staff papers: What caused the 1991 Currency Crisis in India?’ IMF


Donde, K and Saggar, M (1999): ‘Potential Output and Output Gap: A Review’, Reserve Bank of India Occasional Papers


Dornbusch Rudiger, Fischer Stanley, Startz Richard(2004): ‘Macroeconomics’, (9th Edition), McGraw-Hill / Irwin


Ghosh, Kanti Soumya and Bagchi, Soumen (2002): ‘Capital Account Liberalisation in India – Implications for Infrastructure Financing and Economic Growth’, Economic and Political Weekly, Dec 7


Goyal, Rajan (2004): ‘Does Higher Fiscal Deficit Lead to Rise in Interest Rates’, Economic and Political Weekly, May 22


International Finance Corporation (2004): ‘India – Business Environment, Opportunities and IFC Role 2004’, IFC


Jalan, Bimal (2004): ‘Balance of Payments-1956 to 1991’, The Indian Economy - Problems and Prospects-Edited by Bimal Jalan, Penguin


Kapila, Uma (2006): ‘Indian Economy Since Independence’, (18th Edition), Academic Foundation, New Delhi, p.988


Karnik, Ajit (2002): ‘Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Bill - Offering Credible Commitments’, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 19


Kohli, Renu (2001): ‘Capital Account Liberalisation: Empirical Evidence and Policy Issues – I’, Economic and Political Weekly, April 14


Mundle, Sudipto and Rao, M. Govinda (2004): ‘Issues in Fiscal policy’, The Indian Economy - Problems and Prospects: Edited by Bimal Jalan, Penguin


Narasimhan, C. R.L. (2005): ‘RBI Report Reiterates Strong Growth Prospects’, Hindu Business Line, Sep 5


Organisation For Economic Co-Operation And Development (2002): ‘Foreign Direct Investment for Development: Maximising Benefits, Minimising Costs - Overview’, OECD Publication Service


Planning Commission: ‘Annual Report 1996-97 Economy and the Plan: An Overview’, The Planning Commission, Reports


Planning Commission: ‘Annual Report 1990-91: An Overview’, The Planning Commission, Reports


Planning Commission: ‘Annual Report 1991-92: An Overview’, The Planning Commission, Reports


Planning Commission: ‘Seventh Five Year Plan 1985-90’, The Planning Commission, Publications


Planning Commission: ‘Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97’, The Planning Commission, Publications


Reddy, Y Venugopal (2006): ‘Foreign Exchange Reserves: New Realities and Options’, (Address by Dr. Y. V. Reddy, Governor, Reserve Bank of India at the 2006 Program of Seminars in Singapore during September 16 to 18, 2006 on the Theme "The World in Asia, Asia in the World")


Reddy, Y Venugopal (2006):‘Asian Perspective on Growth: Outlook for India’, (Address by Dr. Y. V Reddy, Governor, Reserve Bank of India at the G30's International Banking Seminar on September 18, 2006 hosted by the Monetary Authority of Singapore in Singapore)


Tribune News Service (2005): ‘High fiscal deficit dangerous: IMF’, The Tribune, Nov 25


Union Budget and Economic Survey (1992): ‘Economic Survey 1991-92A & 1991-92B’, Ministry of Finance, The Government of India, Publications


Virmani, Arvind (2002): ‘Challenges and Policy Response-Macro Policy Framework for Development’, The Planning Commission, Articles, April


Virmani, Arvind (2002): ‘Fiscal Deficit and Quality of Government Expenditure’, The Planning Commission, Articles, February


World Bank (2006): ‘World Bank Report – Business Ease 2006’, The World Bank


Indian Currency Futures And The Forex Market Finance Essay


Published: 23, March 2015


The foreign exchange (currency or Forex or FX) market exists wherever one currency is traded for another. It is the largest and most liquid financial market in the world. Exchanging currencies can take two basic forms: an outright or a swap. When two parties exchange one currency for another the transaction is called an outright. When two parties agree to exchange and re-exchange (in future) one currency for another, it is called a swap.


Indian Currency Futures:


A futures contract is a standardized contract, traded on an exchange, to buy or sell a certain underlying asset or an instrument at a certain date in the future, at a specified price. When the underlying is an exchange rate, the contract is termed as "currency futures contract". In other words, it is a contract to exchange one currency for another currency at a specified date and a specified rate in the future. Therefore, the buyer and the seller lock themselves into an exchange rate for a specific value or delivery date. Both parties of the futures contract must fulfill their obligations on the settlement date. Currency futures can be cash settled or settled by delivering the respective obligation of the seller and buyer.


Ejemplo:


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Let us presume that the Indian importer with a 1 million USD exposure chose to protect itself by buying futures. The company needed to buy 1000 contracts as one contract is of USD 1000 which is the same as the payment needed to be made by the importing company and therefore would totally offset the currency risk associated with the deal. For this purpose, only a very small portion of the total value needs to be put up as margin by the importing company. Typically it may be around 4%. Because of the increase in the cost of USD against INR during this period, for the payment on USD 1 million, the company had to pay Rs.4.594 crores as against Rs.4.412 crores. However this increase in cost was offset by the profit realized by being long in the futures contract. By hedging with the futures contracts the company hedged its exposures using currency futures.


The specifications for the contract are given on page no. 18.


Who can participate in Currency Futures?


Currency futures, like any other derivative market has three main participants.


Hedgers


Hedging is an excellent tool to offset the risks associated with fluctuations in the price of the currency in foreign exchange markets.


Hedgers take position in currency futures market only for protecting the position in cash market.


Speculators


Speculators are those participants who trade in the markets essentially for making profit from the anticipated up/down movement in the price.


Speculators provide the necessary liquidity to the markets by offering ample demand and supply.


Arbitragers


Arbitrage is the process of simultaneous buying and selling of same financial instrument in same or different markets in order to make immediate profits without any risk.


Arbitragers make profit by spotting price discrepancy between the rates of same financial asset in different markets.


Besides providing liquidity to the markets, arbitragers put a pressure on the market prices to move to rational or normal levels.


Who are benefited in Currency Futures?


Industries where payments are denominated in Foreign Exchange


Professionals receiving remuneration & stock options in foreign currency


As of now, the regulation does not allow Foreign Institutional Investors (FII) and Non-Resident Indian (NRI) to participate in this market.


How to Start?


Currency futures can be bought or sold through the trading members of National stock Exchange (NSE) to open the account with the NSE trading member one has to complete the formalities by signing the member constituent agreement, constituent registration form & a risk disclosure agreement after which a unique identification number is allocated.


An individual can enter the contract through the study of following:


Broker: It can be argued that since the success of the futures market also crucially hinges on bringing in newer sets of participants, the role played by other intermediaries (including brokers) would also be crucial. As brokers facilitate depth and liquidity required in these markets, it was felt that brokers could be permitted in the currency futures market, provided they meet "fit and proper" criteria as well as other eligibility norms, though their regulation and accreditation may be issues.


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KYC: If an individual or an entity wants to trade in currency futures as a retail investor, then it needs to get registered with a trading member of the exchange after entering into agreement and KYC (know your customer) details.


Currency futures trading being similar in form and structure to equity and commodity futures trading helps the trader to make a seamless transition.


With regard to the costs, there are two primary costs involved in trading on currency futures:


The brokerage structure varies with the volume and frequency of transactions. The transaction cost involves service tax, stamp duty and SEBI turnover fees.


MTM (Mark to Market): Like stock and commodity futures, currency futures would involve daily MTM (mark to market) margins. MTM would be worked out on the basis of daily closing prices of currency futures as declared by NSE. Settlement of MTM would take place on T +1 basis as is presently done in equity derivatives segment. NSE has laid out suitable mechanisms to pay in/pay out daily MTM margins from the brokers. NSCCL (National Securities Clearing Corporation Limited) would be responsible for the entire clearing, settlement and risk management functions.


How to hedge?


Payoff for buyer of futures: Long futures:


The payoff for a person who buys a futures contract is similar to the payoff for a person who holds an asset. He has a potentially unlimited upside as well as a potentially unlimited downside. Take the case of a speculator who buys a two-month currency futures contract when the USD stands at say Rs.43.19. The underlying asset in this case is the currency, USD. When the value of dollar moves up, i. e. when Rupee depreciates, the long futures position starts making profits, and when the dollar depreciates, i. e. when rupee appreciates, it starts making losses.


Payoff for seller of futures: Short futures:


The payoff for a person who sells a futures contract is similar to the payoff for a person who shorts an asset. He has a potentially unlimited upside as well as a potentially unlimited downside. Take the case of a speculator who sells a two month currency futures contract when the USD stands at say Rs.43.19. The underlying asset in this case is the currency, USD. When the value of dollar moves down, i. e. when rupee appreciates, the short futures position starts making profits, and when the dollar appreciates, i. e. when rupee depreciates, it starts making losses.


PARTICULARS


AMOUNT (Rs.)


CALCULATIONS


RESULT


Created on Thursday, 12 September 2013 09:47


Is India on the verge of a 1991- style crisis?


Some commentators have raised the prospect of India facing a repeat of the balance of payments crisis that shook the country in 1991. Fears have been expressed that after years of 8% - 9% expansion, growth could fall to as low as 3% - it was 4.4% in 2Q 2013.


The Indian Rupee depreciated about 18% and there has been an outflow of portfolio capital from stock markets. However, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who piloted the reforms of 1991 that placed the economy on a higher growth trajectory, has dismissed fears of a balance of payments crisis.


The budget deficit has risen to 5% of GDP last year (China and Brazil had deficits below 2% of GDP). The current account deficit of the balance of payments has increased to 4.8% of GDP. Despite this, it is very unlikely that India will face a balance of payments crisis similar to that in 1991. India’s external debt is only 28% of GDP and external reserves amount to about $275 billion. The downside risks are associated with the possible impact of the US Federal Reserve’s tapering policy on global financial markets. The mere talk of a possible reduction of the Fed’s QE3 program (liquidity infusion of USD 85 billion per month) has resulted in a market over-reaction which has led to a reversal of capital flows away from emerging markets. Countries with weak macroeconomic fundamentals, including India, have been particularly vulnerable. However, in recent days there has been some correction of the overshooting of the currency depreciation and share market declines, with both the Indian Rupee and the share indices firming up. There is a risk of further disruption when the Fed actually commences its tapering program – some commentators believe it could be as early as this month. The speed with which the Fed undertakes the tapering and the extent of the decline in bond yield differentials will be major determinants of the size of this risk.


Given India’s dependence on oil imports from the Middle East, the current uncertainties in that region also pose a downside risk. Despite this, the balance of probability is that India will avoid a crisis. In this short run, its economy will receive a boost from a good Monsoon and exports will benefit from the combination of a depreciated currency and the synchronized upturn in the US, China and Japan, as well as the bottoming-out of the recession in Europe. However, the stalled growth and persistently high inflation cannot be overcome without fiscal consolidation and structural reforms.


The Stalling of Reforms


The Indian authorities have claimed that the country’s problems are largely due to external developments. Foreign exchange markets have been accused of overreacting. While the imminent tapering of the Fed’s liquidity measures is a factor, the major causes of India’s current malaise can be attributed to the stalling of economic reforms. Confidence has also been eroded by what are seen as populist entitlement schemes. The decline in growth resulting from a lack of reforms leads to a reduction in government revenue which, in turn, makes these programs even more difficult to afford.


The high fiscal deficits between 2008 and 2011 have fuelled excess demand. This has stoked inflation and exerted pressure on the balance of payments. This has meant that interest rates have had to be maintained at high levels thereby squeezing growth. This has served to reinforce the negative impact on growth of the stalled structural reforms. The reforms of agriculture and supply chains have been neglected and subsidies have been pumped into rural areas. Consequently, food prices have risen sharply. The manufacturing base has not been strengthened, with industry continuing to be depressed by red tape and graft. New legislation has also made the process of land acquisition and compensation more complicated thereby disincentivizing investment.


The inertia of the government has exerted additional pressure on the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to balance the twin objectives of growth and stability of prices/balance of payments. This task has been rendered more difficult by the dual nature of the performance of the Indian economy. Rural areas and informal sector firms are doing relatively well. Consumer Price Inflation, which has a heavy food and services weighting, has recorded near double digit increases. At the same time, the industrial and urban economy has slowed down significantly. Prices of manufactured goods have been rising by only 3%. In such a dualised context, the RBI has the unenviable task of setting interest rates for both segments of the two-speed economy. As a result, it has been criticized both for keeping policy too loose and too tight at the same time, depending on which part of the economy the observer is focusing upon. The RBI is compelled to use one instrument for what are, in practice, two economies. The bottom line is that demand management policies alone will not resolve this conundrum. The twin objectives of accelerated growth and price stability can only be achieved through structural reforms.


The Indian authorities have undertaken some measures to stabilize the economy in the short term. Fiscal consolidation has seen the deficit decline from 10% of GDP (including the states) to about 7%. The RBI has taken measures to drain liquidity out of markets; give oil exporters access to its dollar reserves; and tighten capital controls on residents. It has also made it easier for banks to borrow abroad. The RBI has sought to smoothen the movement of the Rupee through these measures rather than by raising interest rates at a time when growth is stalling. The new Governor, Raghuram Rajan, has immediately unveiled a number of measures to support the currency and open-up markets.


As mentioned above, the RBI can, at best, stabilize the currency and financial markets. The government has to implement structural reforms to revive the growth momentum. However, it is unlikely that politically difficult and potentially vote-losing action will be taken before the elections next year. The appointment of Raghuram Rajan is timely and welcome. He will be a strong advocate of liberalization and will argue robustly against populism.


In this context, the recent Food Security Act involves a massive expansion of the food subsidy program (US$ 14 billion). It comes on top of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Program. Some commentators see India’s rights-based approach to food security as a populist vote-gaining exercise which is not only unaffordable but is also undermining investor confidence, both local and foreign. However, a strong case can be made in support of India’s rights-based approach to food security and employment. It is important to stress that it can only be affordable, if. (1) the growth momentum is revived to swell the government coffers and (2) all subsidies and transfers are much better targeted and leakages minimized. IT can play an important role in this respect. The Aadhaar Scheme to issue biometric identity cards to all of India’s 1.2 billion citizens can: (1) improve the effectiveness of targeting; (2) increase transparency; and (3) enhance accountability. The Scheme will be used by the central, state and local government bodies, as well as enterprises, to swiftly confirm an individual’s identity for a variety of purposes, including the dispensing of welfare programs.


In summary, India cannot meet the twin objectives of accelerated growth and stability without an ambitious structural reform program. In addition, large projects, such as the Delhi-Mumbai Corridor, road development and other major infrastructure programs should be implemented expeditiously. The sharing of the benefits of growth more widely can be facilitated by improved delivery of spatially blind basic services program.


Implications for Sri Lanka


In recent years, India has been the third-ranked destination for Sri Lankan exports. It has also been ranked number one as the source for imports, tourists and foreign direct investment. With the Indian Rupee depreciating by about 18%, while the local currency has fallen only about 4%, Sri Lankan exports will become less competitive in Indian markets. Conversely, Indian exports to Sri Lanka will become more competitive. In addition, the greater depreciation of the Indian Rupee will make it more expensive for Indian tourists to visit Sri Lanka. It will also disincentivize FDI.


It is also noteworthy that Sri Lanka can draw important lessons from India’s policy challenges. These include the need for fiscal consolidation and structural reforms to achieve the twin objectives of growth and stability. The two countries also share the constraints that are being imposed by the timing of the political cycle.


Finally, as pointed out by Charitha Ratwatte (Daily FT 30 th July 2012) India’s Aadhaar Scheme also provides a model that can help improve the effectiveness of local subsidies and transfers, especially as the national identity card scheme already provides a good information base for launching such a program.


This is the Fifty-Second Economic Alert published by the Pathfinder Foundation. Readers’ comments are welcome at www. pathfinderfoundation. org


FOREX FOCUS: Indian Woes Suggest Euro Crisis Going Global


Global problems demand global solutions.


And signs are that the euro zone debt crisis is very much one that will need a global solution


Even as European leaders struggled to produce a convincing agreement for ending the crisis, more evidence emerged last week that the global impact of the crisis is spreading.


Initially, the inability of several euro zone countries to continue servicing their sovereign debt was seen largely as a problem for international banks that were exposed to these countries.


Fear of contagion through the international banking system was the major concern as European leaders scrambled to find some ways to avert a sovereign default.


Even the recent increase in swap lines among major central banks was aimed primarily at easing credit conditions and improving confidence in the banking system.


Now, however, the euro zone debt crisis poses a new threat, not just to banking but also to global growth.


As hopes for a solution to the crisis have faded, economic activity in the whole of the euro zone has slumped.


At first, the global impact was seen largely in the euro zone's major trading partners, such as China. As demand for Chinese exports declined, the country's industrial activity in goods slowed, forcing the Bank of China to start easing monetary policy a few weeks ago.


Now there are even signs that the currency is suffering as investors start to pull out. After months of relentless upward pressure, the yuan is now being sold, hitting its daily permitted low against the dollar for each of the last 10 days.


But it's the sudden downturn in that other major Asian economy, India, that is really causing alarm.


The country's industrial output plummeted 5.1% in October from a year ago and the government has now downgraded its 2012 growth forecast to 7.25% from as high as 9% previously.


With investors pulling out amid speculation the Reserve Bank of India will cut interest rates Friday, the rupee has taken a drubbing, falling to an all-time low against the dollar.


As far as global growth is concerned, an even larger problem could be looming.


In the last few months, the U. S. economic recovery has shown distinct signs of traction, with retail sales, consumer confidence and levels of employment all showing a marked improvement.


Chances are the recovery will continue, especially if the U. S. proves to be the closed economy that some economists think it is. The low level of trade relations with other countries means that the U. S. will be more immune to the problems of the euro zone.


However, there remains a high risk that a soaring dollar, which is benefitting from a reduction in global risk appetite, will take its toll on U. S. exports, ensuring that the euro zone debt crisis becomes an even larger global problem that will need a wider global solution.


Copyright y copia; 2016 eFXnews


Macromanagement and Business Environment: Analysis of the 1991 Indian Economic Crisis


In this paper, we discuss the importance that macroeconomic management, policies and stability have on promoting the business environment of a country. For this purpose, the analysis of the 1991 Balance of Payments (BoP) crisis in India has been done to show how poor macroeconomic management of the Indian economy during the 1980s precipitated the BoP crisis in 1991 and led to the disruption of business environment during the crisis phase. We then look at how the subsequent corrective macroeconomic management and policies led to the restoration and improvement of the business climate in the economy.


Figures in this publication


Data provided are for informational purposes only. Aunque han sido recopilados con cuidado, no se puede garantizar la precisión. The impact factor represents a rough estimation of the journal's impact factor and does not reflect the actual current impact factor. Las condiciones del editor son proporcionadas por RoMEO. Differing provisions from the publisher's actual policy or licence agreement may be applicable.


ECONOMICS FOR EVERYONE: FOREX FABLE - PART 1


PART 1 The Rupee vs. Dollar Duet


Actually, why should the rupee concern us at all? It is merely the price of a piece of paper. Is it any different from the pair of another bit of paper say a movie ticket? Sí lo es. Changes in the price of movie ticket only affects only film producers and viewers. Your movie visit becomes either cheaper or more expensive. Eso es todo. With the exchange rate, things are not that simple. The price of the rupee affects all of us - from the price of we pay for an imported soap to the ability of software firms to undercut the global competitors. Get the exchange rate wrong, and the entire economy is in deep trouble.


The rupee is back in the news. Now, the reason is its raising value. Last one year the falling rupee was giving nightmare to the business, corporates and the policy makers. The falling or weakening rupee was the headlines every second day for almost most of 2013. Now, it is the other way round


Let us understand what makes this duet of rupee vs dollar. 'A simple demand-supply framework for making sense of the rupee's movements'


How does one understand this mysterious complexity of foreign-exchange markets? Let us start with the most simple understanding of this process. To start with, a falling rupee (known as depreciation of rupee)and rising dollar (appreciation of dollar) means that dollars are in short supply and in great demand and hence the value of dollar goes up. A rising rupee (appreciation of rupee) and falling dollar (depreciation of dollar) means the reverse - an oversupply of dollars.


What we need to understand is why and how does this happen and what are the likely impacts and the government policies to manage this issue.


Headlines such as The rupee has appreciated or depreciated 30 paise or so many percentage against the dollar appear on a daily basis. Such reports on currency invariably attribute the reasons for In India, the conventional measure of the Rupee value is to compare it to the US Dollar. It is first important to remember that similar to how there are two sides to a coin, there are two sides to an exchange rate: two currencies.


1949 -52 the rupee is pegged to the pound. The latter is devalued and the rupee falls in tandem. There are calls for a revaluation to help lower inflation and the cost of capital goods.


1952-65 the rupee is kept steady despite balance of payments problems. India bailed out with international aid.


1966 the big devaluation. A severe forex crisis and drought send the government rushing to Washington for help. Is forced to devalue the rupee, sparking of political controversy.


1967- 81 the two oil shocks of 1973 and 1979 sends economy reeling. Remittances from workers in West Asia create a buffer. A current account surplus in the late 1970s keeps the rupee stable.


1982-90 the obsession with a stable rupee goes. Successive governments devalue the rupee. Exports boom. But there is trouble as the fiscal deficit and ECBs start climbing.


1991 the year of crisis. The rupee is devalued sharply in response to near bankruptcy. The reforms process is kicked off in earnest.


1992-2001 the rupee is gradually freed of controls. The RBI gradually devalues the rupee by 3-4 % a year. India avoids emerging markets meltdown.


2002 -03 Software exports change the rules of the game. India starts earning huge current account surpluses. Capital inflows, to pick up. The rupee starts going against dollar.


2012-13 Major depreciation in Rupee-breaches 60 plus mark.


2014 Rupee bounces back.


SOURCE: BUSINESS WORLD


Rupee weakening/depreciation or dollar strengthening/appreciating:


When we say rupee depreciated it means that the rupee has lost it value against dollar where the dollar has become stronger (for example we can say one dollar is change from 61 rs to say 62 rs. The reverse is true when we say rupee has appreciated (When the Rupee is trading at 62 against the US Dollar, it can appreciate to 61 against the Dollar due to Dollar weakness or Rupee strengthening).


That is, a rupee is said to fall or weaken or depreciate when more rupees are needed to buy a dollar. It is said to rise or strengthen or appreciate when less rupees are needed to buy a dollar ( Most exporters may want a weak currency (here rupee) why? See the impact para).


In this article let us discuss in detail about the rupee depreciation its causes and impact.


Depreciation and Devaluation:


It is important to note that rupee depreciation is different form devaluation. While in depreciation the value of currency is driven by the market forces (currency movements influenced indirectly by supply and demand, uncertainty in markets, markets/investors reaction to government decision, or some Economic/Political issue), whereas in devaluation the currency value is deliberately influenced (depreciated) by the government policy measures. Most often devaluation is done to boost the exports of the country (Indian government adopted the devaluation measures during 1966 and in 1991 during economic reforms).


When rupee depreciates:


The depreciating rupee will be positive for the exporting industries. For example, Indian IT sector which generates more than 80-90 per cent of their $100 + billion revenue from the overseas markets and this kind of appreciation in foreign currency will enhance their actual realization of revenue in dollar terms. According to some experts, every one per cent change in rupee-dollar has a 50 to 60 basis points impact on the margins on the net profit numbers of IT services companies(depends on the prevailing exchange rate). Individually, expatriates living outside India too gain by rupee depreciation.


Most exporters may want a weak currency (here rupee) why? Because when a currency depreciates, the exporters get more of the local currency for every unit of foreign currency though the quantum of trade remains unchanged. But this depends upon the nature of the product they export. Say for example if they are exporting manufacturing goods, machineries, automobiles and other product which use imported components as a part of their finished final product, then they do not benefit much since the imported goods become costly due to the depreciation of domestic currency ( say rupee).


It is to be noted that, with the recent depreciation of rupee the remittances from abroad have jumped substantially since the conversion brings in a higher returns for the NRIs (higher flow of NRI investments into Banks example Kerala and other places).


When a currency loses its value it creates many problems for the economy. It leads to high inflation, as India imports around 70 per cent of its crude oil requirement and the government will have to pay more for it in rupee terms. Due to the control on oil prices, the government may not easily pass the increased prices to the consumers. Further, this higher import bill will lead to rise in fiscal deficit for the government and will push the inflation, which is already hovering around the double-digit mark. Since the last few years, oil companies cited the fall in the rupee value to the dollar to increase petrol prices recently. For oil marketing companies with every fall in the rupee, the gap in their balance sheet increases.


On the other hand, Indian companies will also have to pay more in rupee terms for procuring their raw materials, because of a depreciating rupee against dollar. Some times corporate, who have foreign currency loans on their books, continue to do so despite a depreciating rupee, keeping in view the affordable interest rates in developed markets (it would be better to hold on to foreign currency debt as one can borrow at relatively low interest on dollar debt compared with high interest on rupee debt). The depreciation of rupee has impacted the some sectors in three ways. First, input costs have risen as these companies use imported components. Second, some companies will have to pay higher royalty to foreign parent firms/. Third, many companies have foreign currency loans in the form of external commercial borrowings and foreign currency convertible bonds. Companies with high exposure to Foreign Currency Convertible Bonds (FCCBs) may face default problems.


Individually, traveling abroad becomes more expensive as travel cost can go to higher levels. Students studying abroad too will be hit as more rupee will go out to pay for the courses and stay.


Not only is the rupee falling, for some, the pay cheque may shrink as well. Every industry which is dependent on imports will have to face an increase in cost of production and operations. In order to nullify the increase, these companies will have to rationalise costs within their control. One of this will be human resources. So, either lesser number of people will be hired or the salary bill will be kept constant or reduced.


When Rupee value depreciated


Reflection in the Stock Market:


Depreciation of rupee also affects the money flow in the Indian stock markets. FIIs, the main investors in the Indian equity markets, also start withdrawing their investments from the markets fearing loss of value. In terms of portfolios, theoretically as discussed earlier investment returns on the stock of companies who procure their raw materials (import) the returns will take a hit as the shares of these companies will fall(since higher cost of imports will affect their profitability). On the other hand stocks of Information Technology (IT) companies and export-oriented units may do better.


It is important to note that what causes this upward and downward movement of dollar vs rupee. We understand firm the above discussions that if the supply of dollar in the market is less, the value of dollar is bound to go up against rupee. Also the supply of dollar impacts the overall capital flow in the economy and thus impacts the exchange rate and the overall economic activity.


Now, let us look at the instances where supply of dollar and hence the overall capital flow gets affected. Dollar supply in the market comes from the following sources


There are four main ways in which India gets USD.


Exports - When we export goods and services we get paid in USD.


Investment. When foreign investors invest in India they bring in USD and thats another channel we get USD. Dollars come in through a variety of means - through, for instance, foreign institutional investors (FIIs) into the stock markets, foreign direct investment (FDI) into Greenfield projects or acquisitions


The third way which is remittances - NRIs sending in money to India (deposits by non-resident Indians).


Assistance or aid from multilateral institutions and borrowings by companies.


In essence, the demand for dollars arises from import needs, debt payments and outward remittances. Oil prices play a crucial role. In addition, to it and the external investments building up of mega projects (say a mega refinery project, power or any other infrastructure project) within the domestic economy also increases the dollar demand.


Overall, all the above factors influence the capital flows in the economy. When there is low capital flow (low supply of dollar) then the rupee depreciation takes place. Specifically, when a rupee depreciates it is due to the following factors


Increasing Trade deficit Balance of the country (increasing current Account deficit) due to more imports than exports, Oil prices.


Lower FII (Foreign Institutional Investors) and FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) investment. Government policy (both domestic and foreign) and the state of the economy. Volatility in the capital markets


Higher borrowing by Indian corporate for funding the business.


The reverse is true when the capital flows are positive i. e more capital flow and hence more dollars and low dollar value compared to rupee (rupee appreciation)


The recent volatility of Dollar has been a combination of all the above said factors. Also, it is to be noted that these factors are inter related and affects each other. For example, increasing oil prices leads to higher out flow of forex payments and thus resulting in higher current account deficit. This further affects the availability of dollar(less supply of dollar) in the market and hence its value (dollar value increases as more rupee is required to buy a dollar) against the domestic currency (say rupee). The increased value of dollar leads to higher payment of import bill which further widens the current account deficit and thus the vicious cycle continues.


Let us briefly discuss these factors,


Increasing trade deficit (Current Account deficit)


The biggest problem seems to be India's huge current account deficit, which hit a record high 4.8 per cent of gross domestic product in the year 2013. The measure of whether export-import equation is fine or not is called CAD (Current Account Deficit), which is largely the difference between exports and imports and in Indias case, the CAD is becoming higher and higher with each successive month, and this means that Indias foreign exchange reserves are diminishing. It is well known that India is a net importer (imports more than what it exports) which means it has a deficit and the deficit has been surging to new heights since the last few years especially with the increasing import of Oil and Gold. Also, since India has to bring in the majority of its requirement from outside the country and the demand for oil in India has been going up every year and this has led to the present situation. As and when the demand for oil increases in India or there is an increase in oil prices in the global market, there also arises a need for more dollars to pay the suppliers. This also results in a situation of higher deficit where the worth of the decreases significantly in comparison to the dollar. Worsening trade deficit is bad news for the rupee as the demand for US dollars goes up. A higher current account deficit weakens the currency. This deficit was being financed by foreign money for last many years, but as the U. S. economy gathers momentum, there is increasing likelihood that the Federal Reserve will taper its bond buying programme. CAD thus effectively measures the amount of net capital inflows from abroad that an economy depends on, whether in the form of borrowings or investment. Two factors have been blamed for widening of CAD. One is the import of gold. India is one of the largest consumers of gold and the heavy import of gold widens CAD as the government has to provide for dollars for every ounce of gold imported. The other factor is crude oil imports. India imports more than 75% of its crude oil requirement. A slowdown in inflows from foreign investors also leads to a weak currency.


Investments In the past two years India has witnessed volatility in the flow of the FII. From the initial surge of flow of investments, there has been a slowdown in the FII flow during the second half of the 2013 due to the following reason -


The proposed unwinding of the bond purchase programme (also called quantitative easing)


Crisis in the Eurozone


There are several factors. But the recent bout of weakness is fuelled by the prospect of the unwinding of the bond purchase programme (also called quantitative easing) of the US Federal Reserve. The US Fed had been printing money to bolster its economy. Now that there are signs of some strength in the US economy, it may start winding down the programme of adding more money into the system.


A possible winding down of the asset purchase programme of the US Fed and improvement in the health of the US economy will strengthen the US dollar. Investors will withdraw investments from emerging markets such as India in the short term and chase assets in the US, since assets in a strengthening US economy are seen as attractive. Thus the Federal Reserves decision to reduce its Quantitative Easing has also contributed to the present situation as every asset class has been affected by the decision. The fear of Fed pulling the plug on easy money has triggered a selloff by foreign institutional investors (FIIs). Also, lower rating by credit rating agencies, negative view by investors, investment bankers normally leads to a corresponding fall in India's weight and hence capital outflow.


The outflow of money from emerging markets may lead to currency weakness. Concerns over the pace of economic reforms, the health of the domestic economy and a yawning trade deficit are also impacting the rupee. Available statistics with the government show that both the debt market and the equities have witnessed a reverse flow of money. The fear is that the tempo of the outward flows might increase in the coming days.


India would need strong foreign capital flows to finance the current account deficit. However, with FII flows too came down, the pressure got accentuated and rupee nearly breached the 60-mark. Moreover, the global volatilities also had an impact in the entire Asian markets, including, India, The rupee weakness was also influenced due to the European crisis.


According to some experts, the problems are fundamental and our policy makers do not seem to realise the basic problem which is the huge deficit on current account and over dependence on capital inflows. The basic problem is we continue to live on borrowed money year after year.


SECTION IV Policy Issues


At a time when the rupee is depreciating, foreign portfolio investors are wary of investing in India since any rupee income they earn could get eroded by a higher exchange rate when they want to take back that income out of India. Thus, a sort of vicious cycle is triggered as the rupee dips, FIIs tend to pull out money and that in turn makes the rupee dip further. This can be offset by policy measures which can boost longer term capital flows from abroad like FDI or overseas borrowings. In fact, of late, the FIIs have been heading to greener pastures owing to the greater operational efficiency and lesser bureaucratic problems that have unsettled the Indian business fraternity and hampered its overall economic growth.


As discussed earlier, one of the big factors worsening Indias CAD is the ever increasing gold and oil imports. Reducing the import of Oil and Gold is not easy. Reducing their dependency has its own repercussion on the industry and the overall growth in the economy. These things tell us that it is absolutely essential for us to have a steady flow of USD or other big currency coming in the country in order to finance our Oil bill and pay for our other imports, if we run out of foreign exchange; we will be in big trouble. According to some experts, a major part of Indias external reserves, are not export earnings but dollars accumulated by the RBI when it mopped up dollars coming in through short-term flows . Therefore, bulk of the reserves is in the nature of debt and do not in real terms belong to the country. This further enhances the uncertainty and volatility of capital flow. One of the key reasons for this is the surge in short-term external commercial borrowing by companies on the assumption that the increasing supply of money and the very low interest rates will prevail indefinitely which may not be true in the long run.


Volatility in the equity market


The equity markets in India have been volatile for a certain period of time. This has put the FIIs into a dilemma as to whether they should be investing in India or not. In recent times their investments have touched an unprecedented level and so if they pull out then the inflow will go down as well. According to a report, the international investors in India have withdrawn to the tune of INR 44,162 crore during June 2013 and this is a record amount. This has also created a current account deficit (CAD) that is only increasing, thus contributing significantly to the depreciation of the INR. Also, some experts historically, the Indian Rupee has been depreciating roughly in line with the fall in its Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) since the early 1980s. While the PPP was 15 around 1982, the actual exchange rate was Rs 9.30 per US Dollar. It is the inflation that negatively impacts PPP and pushes a currency down. But the present spike was rather sharp on the back of debt default concern in the euro zone


RBI Measures Now let us see how does the Government or the RBI (RESERVE BANK OF INDIA) manages the value of currency in the market. If there is a sudden choking in the supply of dollars, the rupee weakens. When this happens, the RBI steps in and sells dollars from its foreign-exchange reserves. This increases the supply of dollars in the market. Also within the domestic market, when the rupee weakens, the RBI tries to control the supply of the rupee (i. e. its liquidity) by raising its price as reflected in interest rates and by asking banks to keep money with it to decrease rupee supply (by hiking the cash reserve ratio).Conversely, when dollars are pouring in the RBI purchases dollars through a variety of means. From time to time the RBI funds public-sector crude imports directly to relieve the pressure on the market.


Also, RBI periodically urges them to bring back exporters earnings as soon as it is realized, since, exporters are allowed up to 180 days to bring back their earnings. What happens is that exporters, anticipating a depreciation, keep their money out till the very last minute causing pressure on the supply. Companies also borrow abroad but keep the money outside for long periods. This also has leads to pressure in the system.


RBIs intervention to buy Foreign exchange during surge in capital investment leads to build-up of (foreign exchange) reserves, which provides self-insurance against external vulnerability of rupee.


When RBI sells its foreign exchange reserves, it stems (halts) the fall of rupee.


Higher foreign exchange reserve levels restore investor confidence and may lead to an increase in foreign direct and indirect investment flows boost in growth and helps bridge the current account deficit.


Some economists believe that if the RBI actually allows supply and demand to operate, the rupee's volatility will be lower.


It is to be noted that as the financial system develops, the growing integration of this forex market with the money market and the government securities market has meant closer linkages between monetary policy and exchange rate policies.


The government's recent decision to hike duty on gold, the second biggest import item, has helped cut imports of Gold to a larger extend compared to previous months. Of course the side effect of this is its impact on the gold and Jewellery industry business. However, if, FIIs continue to pull out, the government will have to come up with new plans.


According to economists, the key solution lies in better investment climate that helps people get other alternates to gold for investment domestically and for encouraging capital flows regularly. According to experts, there is a need to create a climate where exports rise (services exports declined last month), foreign investments (long term), NRI investments come into the country, and all that in turns help the CAD. Also, this situation can only be addressed by exporters who can bring in dollars in the system. As discussed earlier if the investments can be wooed back, then this imbalance can also be addressed to a certain extent. To make this happen the government should take relevant policy measuers.


NRE, NRO AND FCNR To increase dollar inflows and check the decline in the rupee, the RBI recently deregulated the interest rates offered by banks on non-resident external (NRE) and non-resident ordinary rupee (NRO) accounts. An NRE account is a rupee account from which money can be fully repatriated, that is, sent back to the country of your residence. An NRO account is also a rupee account, but one can repatriate only up to $1 million every year from this account. Foreign currency non-rupee (FCNR) account is the same as the NRE account except that the deposits are in foreign currencies. Though interest earned on NRE and FCNR accounts is tax-free in India, the interest income from NRO accounts is liable to tax. However, NRIs living in countries with which India has a Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) can avail of lower tax rates.


When rupee Appreciates Year 2014 started with a different note. The rupee started appreciating after a great downfall. The quick trend reversal was unexpected however was obvious since the capital flows are increasing along with the increasing FII and reducing current account deficit. One of the largest appreciation of rupee happened during 2002-03. The rupees rise would have been far sharper had the RBI not frantically bought dollars from the market to keep the rupee down.


As discussed earlier a strong domestic currency may strain the countrys export competitiveness. During 2003 the surging invisibles which include receipts from overseas workers and export boom in software and IT enabled services caused the major flow of dollars and thus the appreciation of rupee. Also, one of the main reason for this was the huge current account gap of the U. S (over $500 billion) during this time. With the subsequent collapse of interest rate and the fall in equity market the foreign investors were wary of pouring money into dollar assets thus leading to a weak dollar.


During the appreciation of rupee the following trend or strategy is observed in the markets


There is a surge in investments in the NRI accounts such as the NRE, NRO and FCNR. The appreciating rupee, the large interest rate differential between India and the US and an attractive forward premiums make Indian securities and deposits a tempting option for NRI.


Companies replace long term rupee loans with dollar-denominated external commercial borrowings (ECBs)


Keep selling the dollar receivables forward and lock in the forward premia with the view that rupee is likely to appreciate more.


Importers may consider leaving their positions unhedged for some more time in view of the positive rupee outlook.


SECTION V Economic Theory of Foreign Exchange valuation


VALUATION OF THE CURRENCY The judgement about the "right" value (whether the rupee is overvalued or undervalued) for the rupee is always debated among the experts.


Overvaluation and Undervaluation


It is quite common to hear people claim that a country's exchange rate is overvalued or undervalued. The first question one should ask when someone claims the exchange rate is overvalued is, overvalued with respect to what? There are two common reference exchange rates often considered. The person might mean the exchange rate is overvalued with respect to purchasing power parity (PPP), or it may mean the exchange rate is overvalued relative to the rate presumed needed to balance the current account.


Undervaluation of a currency


If a nation's currency is "undervalued," it means the rate at which it can be exchanged for other world currencies is too low. If you buy goods made in foreign countries -- or work for a company that sells goods overseas -- then currency values have a real impact on your purse.


A currency is considered undervalued when its value in foreign exchange is less than it "should" be based on economic conditions, at least in the opinion of currency traders, economists or governments. For example, say that foreign exchange traders believe $1 is the equivalent of 50 rupees. But if the actual exchange rate is 60 rupees to the dollar then the rupees is viewed as undervalued. That it is highly undervalued or depreciated against the dollar and the rupee explores its true value by appreciating to that level. According to a report during 2012 by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) rupee is highly undervalued against the dollar.


A currency may be undervalued simply because


There's insufficient demand for it or no one wants to buy


Currency undervaluation benefits the home country which does it since it makes their export cheap, boosts demand and hence revenue and the same time make the import expensive. Theoretically, undervalued currency allows a country to essentially impose a tax on imports, but without breaking the international trade rules that prohibit taxes that are actually called taxes(tarrifs/quotas/trade barriers in case of international trade). Sometimes it is alleged that governments also deliberately undervalue their currencies -- for example, by manipulating the money supply or setting artificially low exchange rates.


REER - Real effective exchange rate


In India, The RBI uses a six - country real effective exchange rate (Known as REER-6) against a basket of 6 other national currencies) to judge competitiveness. REER is the nominal exchange rate adjusted for inflation differentials. REER is the weighted average of any countrys currency to the basket of other (adjusted for inflation).A country whose REER Index is close to 100 is considered to be fair valued. When REER goes above 100 levels its believed to enter over-valued zone and less than 100 is undervalued.


Dólar


Hong Kong dollar


Euro


Pound sterling


Japanese Yen


Chinese Renminbi


The weighted average of a country's currency relative to an index or basket of other major currencies adjusted for the effects of inflation. The weights are determined by comparing the relative trade balances, in terms of one country's currency, with each other country within the index. This exchange rate is used to determine an individual country's currency value relative to the other major currencies in the index, as adjusted for the effects of inflation. All currencies within the said index are the major currencies being traded today: U. S. dollar, Japanese yen, euro, etc.


INDIAS ECONOMIC REFORMS EXTERNAL SECTOR - BACKGROUND


Ecconomic Reforms in india


Around two decades ago, the then, India's finance minister and the present prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh unleashed a set of economic reforms (Liberalisation, Privatization and globalsiation). Indian economy was facing a major crisis in the foreign exchange front. Son


Continuously depleting foreign exchange reserves due to the impact of gulf war on the oil prices (only two weeks of FOREX was available).


Near - financial bankruptcy with 67 tons of treasury gold mortgaged by the Indian government to the Bank of England


Thus the government took some bold macroeconomic reforms. Some of the key reforms to manage the forex crisis and to ensure steady capital flow includes


Liberalised Exchange Rate Management System (LERMS) that created a dual exchange rate for the rupee. The partial float of the rupee was a fig leaf for one of the steepest controlled rupee devaluations in Indian history. On July 1, 1991, the exchange rate was 18 to the dollar. By March 1993, the exchange rate had plunged to 32 to a dollar - a decline of 77% in a little over 18 months.


The 'partial float' of the rupee led eventually to current account convertibility but not to the full capital account convertibility. The rupee 20 years later remains partially convertible on the capital account with the Reserve Bank of India ( RBI) allowing Indians to remit only up to a fixed amount $200,000 a year for capital investments abroad.


Since Dr Singh's interim Budget of July 1991 and his magical Budget of February 1992, the rupee has depreciated by more than 100% in 20 years (from 25.95 in February 1992 to just under 60 plus today). According to experts, a constantly weakening rupee pushes up the cost of imports, widens the trade and current account deficits . raises the external debt burden, makes petro products more expensive and fuels inflation (this trend could be observed since last two decades).


Reasons for reforms:


Prior to 1991, India followed License-quota-system and import substitution strategy. During that era, the encouragement for foreign companies to invest in India was less. Imported products attracted heavy custom duty (which led to rise of smugglers and mafias). Also, thanks to the license-quota-raj, the private Indian companies werent big or exposed enough to compete in international market so export was also low. Thus during that time incoming money (via export, investment) was very low. Hence RBI couldnt build up huge forex reserve. As discussed earlier 1991, the Forex reverses of India were about to exhaust. Then India had to open up its economy for private and foreign sector investment. Remove the license-quota-inspector raj etc. to boost the incoming flow of dollars and other foreign currencies. Hence post LPG reforms, RBI has been actively buying/selling dollars, pound yen etc. from the currency market, whenever FII/FDI inflow is high. Nowadays RBI intervenes in the FOREX market, only to stop the excess volatility (fluctuation) in rupee exchange rate.


Indias foreign exchange reserves is made up of


Foreign currency assets (FCA) (US dollar, euro, pound sterling, Canadian dollar, Australian dollar and Japanese yen etc.)


Special drawing rights (SDRs) of IMF


Reserve tranche position (RTP) in the International Monetary Fund (IMF)


The level of forex reserve is expressed in US dollars. Hence Indias forex reserve declines when US dollar appreciates against major international currencies and vice versa.


RBI gains Foreign exchange reserves by


Buying foreign currency (via intervention in the foreign exchange market


Funding from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), Asian Development Bank (ADB), International Development Association (IDA) etc.


According to some experts a weak rupee may be more helpful in a country like china which has a huge manufacturing base with substantial exports. On the contrary: a current account deficit arising from an import bill of billion of dollar erodes the currency, pushes up inflation and lowers competitiveness. According to critics, a stronger rupee will not only trim our trade and current account deficits and temper inflation, it will attract more FDI and FII. The biggest long-term beneficiaries of a stronger rupee would be India's manufacturing productivity. Since, cheaper imports would allow companies to ramp up foreign technology and build infrastructural and manufacturing assets. These, in turn, would lead to a spike in competitiveness, boosting exports based on quality. Experts also point out that the Economists recent Big Mac Index shows that the rupee is undervalued Vis-A - Vis the US dollar by 61% while the yuan is undervalued by 41%.


SECTION VII NOTE ON CURRENCY


The Indian rupee is the official currency of the Republic of India. The issuance of the currency is controlled by the Reserve Bank of India. The modern rupee is subdivided into 100 paise (singular paisa), though as of 2011 only 50-paise coins are legal tender. Banknotes in circulation come in denominations of 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500 and 1000. Rupee coins are available in various denominations of 1,2, 5,10, 20, 50, 60, 75, 100, 150, 500 and 1000. The only other rupee coin has a nominal value of 50 paise, since lower denominations have been officially withdrawn.


The Indian rupee symbol ' (officially adopted in 2010) is derived from the Devanagari consonant (ra) and the Latin letter "R". The first series of coins with the rupee symbol was launched on 8 July 2011.The Reserve Bank manages currency in India and derives its role in currency management on the basis of the Reserve Bank of India Act, 1934. Recently RBI launched a website Paisa-Bolta-Hai to raise awareness of counterfeit currency among users of the INR. The Indian rupee sign is the currency sign: for the Indian rupee, the official currency of India. The new form of Indian rupee designed by Mr. Udaya Kumar (a student of Indian Institute of Technology). It was presented to the public by the Government of India on 15 July 2010, following its selection through an open competition among Indian residents. Before its adoption, the most commonly used symbols for the rupee were Rs, Re or, if the text was in an Indian language, an appropriate abbreviation in that language.


1US Dollarequals 59.96Indian Rupee


Chinese Renminbi The Renminbi is the official currency of the Peoples Republic of China. The name (simplified Chinese: literally means "people's currency. The yuan is the basic unit of the renminbi, but is also used to refer to the Chinese currency generally, especially in international contexts. (The distinction between the terms "renminbi" and "yuan" is similar to that between sterling and pound).


The United States dollar (sign: $; code: USD; also abbreviated US $), is referred to as the U. S. dollar, American dollar, US Dollar or Federal Reserve Note. It is the official currency of the United States and its overseas territories. It is divided into 100 smaller units called cents.


The U. S. dollar is fiat money. It is the currency most used in international transactions and is the world's most dominant reserve currency. Several countries use it as their official currency, and in many others it is the de facto currency. It is also used as the sole currency in two British Overseas Territories: the British Virgin Islands and the Turks and Caicos islands.


The pound sterling (symbol: ; ISO code: GBP), commonly known simply as the pound, is the official currency of the United Kingdom, Jersey, Guernsey, the Isle of Man, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, the British Antarctic Territory and Tristan da Cunha. It is subdivided into 100 pence (singular: penny). A number of nations that do not use sterling also have currencies called the pound.


Rupee Denominated Debt


Rupee denominated debt refers to that part of Indias total external debt that is denominated in Indias domestic currency, the Rupee.


In contrast to foreign currency denominated external debt, in case of rupee denominated debt the currency risk (the risk arising from appreciation or depreciation of the nominal exchange rate) is borne by the creditor and not by the borrower. The contractual liability (principal and interest that is designated to be paid by the borrower as agreed upon in the debt contract) is settled in foreign currency. Accordingly, the borrower always pays back the foreign currency equivalent of the rupee denomination valued at the spot exchange rate prevailing at that point in time. Thus, if the domestic currency appreciates vis--vis the foreign currency, the creditor stands to gain vis--vis the borrower since he receives more dollars per unit of Rupee.


In India rupee denominated debt comprises the following categories;


Rupee Debt; Includes the outstanding defense and civilian state credits extended to India by the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The repayment is primarily through exports of goods to Russia.


Rupee denominated Non-Resident Indian (NRI) Deposits including the Non-Resident (External) Rupee Account (NR(E)RA) and Non-Resident Ordinary Rupee (NRO) account.


Foreign Institutional Investors (FII) investment in Government Treasury-Bills and dated securities


FII investment in corporate debt securities.


What are the lessons learnt. The above information and discussion indicates the following


The rupee dollar rate is a two way movement. That is they can swing either way. The trend has shown market (read business sentiments) tend to believe that it is always one way. During the appreciation everybody believes that the rupee will continue to gain against the dollar and the same belief exists during depreciation which is not right.


Exchange rates are no laughing matter. They have wrought havoc-in Mexico in 1992, East Asia in 1997(Thailand and others), Russia in 1998 and Argentina in 2002.The inevitable result: inflation and unemployment.


1997 Asian financial crisis


The Asian financial crisis was a period of financial crisis that gripped much of East Asia beginning in July 1997 and raised fears of a worldwide economic meltdown due to financial contagion.


With the financial collapse of the Thai baht after the Thai government was forced to float the baht due to lack of foreign currency to support its fixed exchange rate, cutting its peg to the US$, after exhaustive efforts to support it in the face of a severe financial overextension that was in part real estate driven. At the time, Thailand had acquired a burden of foreign debt that made the country effectively bankrupt even before the collapse of its currency. As the crisis spread, most of Southeast Asia and Japan saw slumping currencies, devalued stock markets and other asset prices, and a precipitous rise in private debt.


Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand were the countrys most affected by the crisis. Hong Kong, Malaysia, Laos and the Philippines were also hurt by the slump. China, Taiwan, Singapore, Brunei and Vietnam were less affected, although all suffered from a loss of demand and confidence throughout the region.


Foreign debt-to-GDP ratios rose from 100% to 167% in the four large Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) economies in 199396, and then shot up beyond 180% during the worst of the crisis. In South Korea, the ratios rose from 13 to 21% and then as high as 40%, while the other northern newly industrialized countries fared much better. Only in Thailand and South Korea did debt service-to-exports ratios rise.


Although most of the governments of Asia had seemingly sound fiscal policies, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) stepped in to initiate a $40 billion program to stabilize the currencies of South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia, economies particularly hard hit by the crisis. The efforts to stem a global economic crisis did little to stabilize the domestic situation in Indonesia, however. After 30 years in power, President Suharto was forced to step down on 21 May 1998 in the wake of widespread rioting that followed sharp price increases caused by a drastic devaluation of the rupiah. The effects of the crisis lingered through 1998. In 1998 the Philippines growth dropped to virtually zero. Only Singapore and Taiwan proved relatively insulated from the shock, but both suffered serious hits in passing, the former more so due to its size and geographical location between Malaysia and Indonesia. By 1999, however, analysts saw signs that the economies of Asia were beginning to recover. After the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, economies in the region are working toward financial stability on financial supervision.


Until 1999, Asia attracted almost half of the total capital inflow into developing countries. The economies of Southeast Asia in particular maintained high interest rates attractive to foreign investors looking for a high rate of return. As a result the region's economies received a large inflow of money and experienced a dramatic run-up in asset prices. At the same time, the regional economies of Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and South Korea experienced high growth rates, 812% GDP, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This achievement was widely acclaimed by financial institutions including IMF and World Bank, and was known as part of the "Asian economic miracle."


In 1994, economist Paul Krugman published an article attacking the idea of an "Asian economic miracle". He argued that East Asia's economic growth had historically been the result of increasing the level of investment in capital. However, total factor productivity had increased only marginally or not at all. Krugman argued that only growth in total factor productivity, and not capital investment, could lead to long-term prosperity. Krugman himself has admitted that he had not predicted the crisis nor foreseen its depth.


The case of East Asia (Thailand) and capital account convertibility


The Thais had it good for too long. They had enviable foreign currency inflows, booming exports, a reasonable debt service ratio and an exchange rate which did not show any signs of budging. All thanks to the Bank of Thailand, its central bank which supported the currency in the face of strong capital inflows. When the Thai baht took a sudden beating the authorities were forced to devaluate the baht. The corporates and other investors went overboard with their short term overseas borrowings. Easy access to funds meant substitution of domestic short term loans within off-shore short term borrowings. Since the baht value was fixed the Thai investors merrily borrowed overseas without hedging. With falling exports, some of them possibly in anticipation of depreciation started covering their exposures abroad i. e. buying forward dollars.


Ideally, under such conditions the currency should show a tendency to depreciate. Pero esto no sucedió. In fact, the bank of Thailand was defending the baht even in the face of growing curren


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sschub - Many times you when reading newspaper, you will face keywords like BoP, Current account, capital account, rupee weakens, India's foreign reserves etc. but only few of us have basic knowledge about these terms. So this article will help you to understands all these what and how. ok so lets move.


What is Balance of Payment?


Suppose you are going to get a company’s incoming and outgoing cash details, you’ve to check its account book.


Similarly Balance of Payment (BoP) is the account sheet (summary) that tells the cash flow between India and rest of the world.


BoP = Current account + capital account. (As per IMF definition, three parts: Current Account + Capital account + financial account).


so just know a brief overview:


What is Current account


Import, Export (always negative, because we export less and import more oil n gold, hence we’ve trade deficit.)


Income from abroad (interest, dividends paid on Indian investor’s FDI, FII in USA etc.)


Transfer (gift, remittances from NRI to their families etc. always positive for India because of large Diaspora abroad.)


What is Capital account (+ financial account)


Foreign investment in India (FDI, FII, ADR, direct purchase of land, assets).


External commercial borrowing, external assistance etc.


Since we want to track the flow of cash, so, whenever American invest in India (via FDI, FII, ADR etc) we add it as (plus), and


when Indians invest in USA (via FDI, FII, IDR etc.) we add it as (minus) and then get the final figure for Foreign investment.


Same goes for everything in balance of payment (remittances, External commercial borrowing whatever.)


In short, BoP= we are tracking the incoming and outgoing money.


For India, current account has been in deficit (negative number) and capital account has been in surplus (positive number).


The BoP accounting system is similar to double entry book-keeping.


Therefore theoretically, balance in current account and balance in capital account should be same (ignoring the +/- signs).


In other words, if there is deficit in current account, there has to be equal surplus in capital account. ¿Por qué?


How Rupee-dollar convertibility works


Suppose you want to import a dell computer from USA. And American exporter accepts only payments dollars.


If you can easily convert your rupee into dollars, that means Rupee is fully convertible. And rupee is fully convertible as far as Current account transactions are concerned (e. g. import, export, interest, dividends).


But rupee is partially convertible for capital account transection. (In crude terms it means, if an Indian wants to buy assets abroad or invest via FDI/FII OR borrow via External commericial borrowing (ECB) he cannot do it beyond the limits prescribed by RBI. (And vice versa e. g. American wants to convert his dollars to rupees to invest in India, then also RBI’s limits have to be followed).


RBI gets power to do ^this, via FERA and FEMA Acts.


1973: Foreign Exchange Regulations Act, 1973 (FERA).


1997: Tarapore Committee (of RBI), had recommended that India should have full capital account convertibility. (Meaning anyone should be allowed to freely move from local currency into foreign currency and back, without any restrictions by Government or RBI.)


2002: Government replaced FERA with Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA). Although full capital account convertibility is yet not given.


Full capital account convertibility has both pros and cons. But that’d require another article. Let’s get back to the topic, we are seeing the 6 th chapter of Economic Survey: Balance of Payment, exchange rates etc.


Rupee-Dollar Exchange rate


Let’s create a bogus technically incorrect model to understand the market based exchange rate system, once again:


Assume following things


There are only two countries in the world India and America.


India has rupee currency. Indian farmers don’t grow Onions.


America doesn’t have any currency, they trade using onions. The rate being 1kg onion=Rs.50


First situation . American investor thinks that Indian economy is rising. If we invest in India (FDI/FII), we’ll make good profit. So they’re more eager to convert their onions to Indian rupee currency. So they’d even agree to sell 1kg onions =Rs.45. (and then buy Indian shares/bonds worth Rs.45)


Result =Rupee strengthened against onion (dollar).


During this time, RBI governor also buys 300 billion kilo onions from the forex and stores these onions in his refrigerator. (Why? Because onions are selling cheap! And why onions are selling cheap? Because there is “surge” in capital investment in India by American investors.)


Ok everything is going nice and smooth. Now add third country to our bogus model: UAE.


Second situation . UAE has increased crude oil prices, and they don’t accept rupee currency. They also want payment in onions.


1 barrel of crude oil costs 132kg of Onions.


India is eager/desperate for oil, because if we don’t have crude oil, we can’t get petrol, diesel= whole economy will collapse.


So India would agree to buy 1kg onion even for Rs.55 (from American or forex agent or whoever is willing to sell his onions). Then India can give that onions to some Sheikh of UAE and import crude oil.


Third situation: The Sheikh of UAE gets even greedier, he demands 200kg onions for 1 barrel of crude oil. Now 1kg onion sells for Rs.59, Because those with onion surplus (vendors) know that India likes it or not, it’ll have to buy onions to pay for the crude oil!


Thus, Rupee has weakened against onion (Dollar.)


If such situation continues, then there will be huge inflation in India (because crude oil expensive=petrol/diesel expensive = transport expensive= milk/vegetables and everything else transported using petrol/diesel becomes expensive.)


Now RBI governor decides to become the hero and save the fall of rupee against onion. So, He loads a few tonnes of onions in his truck and drive it to the forex market.


Result: onion supply has increased, price should go down.


Now onions get little cheaper: 1kg onion =53 Rs.


Thus RBI’s “intervention” in the forex market has led to “ recovery ” of rupee.


Ok so what is conclusion of above?


RBI’s intervention to buy Foreign exchange during surge in capital investment= leads to build-up of (foreign exchange) reserves, which provides self-insurance against external vulnerability of rupee.


When RBI sells its foreign exchange reserves, it stems (halts) the fall of rupee.


Higher foreign exchange reserve levels restore investor confidence and may lead to an increase in foreign direct and indirect investment flows= boost in growth and helps bridge the current account deficit.


How Foreign Exchange Reserves build up


Prior to 1991, India followed License-quota-inspector (and suitcase) raj and import substitution strategy. (Beautifully explained class 11 NCERT textbook.)


During that era, foreign companies couldn’t invest in India.


Imported products such as radio / camera/ wristwatches attracted heavy custom duty. (And that led to rise of smugglers and mafias, and the Bollywood movies that romanticized their criminal lives.)


On the other hand, thanks to the license-quota-inspector (and suitcase) raj, the private Indian companies weren’t big or efficient enough to compete in international market so export was also low.


Result . during that time incoming money (via export, investment) was very low. Hence RBI couldn’t build up huge forex reserve. (when onion supply is low, its prices will be high)


Ultimately in 1991, the Forex reverses of India were about to exhaust.


Finally India had to pledge its gold to IMF and get loans.


Then India had to open up its economy for private and foreign sector investment. Remove the license-quota-inspector raj etc. to boost the incoming flow of dollars and other foreign currencies…..all those LPG reforms. (Although suitcase raj still continues, because the Mohans in the system are blinded by totally awesome people like A. Raja.)


fast-forward: now we’ve a trillion dollar economy, our software and automobile companies are globally recognized… blah blah blah.


But the lesson learnt: RBI should have good foreign exchange reserve.


Hence post LPG reforms, RBI has been buying dollars, pound yen etc. from the currency market, whenever FII/FDI inflow is high. Because during such situation, the foreign investors are more eager to get their dollars converted to rupee currency hence rupee is trading at higher rate e. g. 1$=Rs.49


But after global financial crisis, RBI has stopped building forex reserves actively.


Nowadays RBI intervenes in the forex market, only to stop the excess volatility (fluctuation) in rupee exchange rate.


However, there was a sharp decline in rupee in 2011-12. Then RBI had to sell foreign exchange worth 20 billion dollars. (so demand of foreign currency would decrease and rupee would stop).


Similarly in 2012 also RBI had to sell its foreign exchange reserve worth 3 billion dollars to prevent the fall of rupee. (in June 2012, Rupee had became very weak: 1$=around 57 Rupees. Thanks to RBI and Government’s interventions, it came back to the normal 53-54 level at the end of 2012.)


Foreign Exchange Reserves


India’s foreign exchange reserves is made up of


Foreign currency assets (FCA) (US dollar, euro, pound sterling, Canadian dollar, Australian dollar and Japanese yen etc.)


gold,


special drawing rights (SDRs) of IMF


Reserve tranche position (RTP) in the International Monetary Fund (IMF)


The level of forex reserve is expressed in US dollars. Hence India’s forex reserve declines when US dollar appreciates against major international currencies and vice versa.


RBI gains Foreign exchange reserves by


buying foreign currency (via intervention in the foreign exchange market


Funding from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), Asian Development Bank (ADB), International Development Association (IDA) etc.


aid receipts,


interest receipts


Why our rupee is volatile ?


Volatility = Variation in something over the given time.


if today SENSEX is 12000 points, tomorrow it goes up by 200 points and day after it goes down by 300 points etc…..they we say “market is volatile”.


If morning shift’s SSC paper is too easy but evening shift’s SSC paper is too damn difficult then we can say “SSC paper is volatile”.


Similarly, if there is too much fluctuation in Dollar to rupee exchange rate, we say “rupee is volatile”.


In 2012, the rupee has experienced unusually high volatility. ¿Por qué?


Cause#1: import-export


Demand for Indian goods and services has declined due to Euro-zone crisis + America hasn’t fully recovered.


On the other hand, cost of import= very high due to oil and heavy gold import (due to high inflation).


Similarly high inflation = raw material / services become costly for the export. If he raises the prices, then his export product becomes less competitive than Cheap China made stuff.


Cause #2: FII


In the total foreign investment in India, majority comes from FII (and not from FDI).


FII money is “hot”, it leaves quickly whenever FII investors feels that India’s market is not giving good returns and or some other xyz country’s market is giving better returns.


There are week-to-week variation in such FII inflows and outflows. Hence it leads to changes in rupee-dollar exchange rate.


Cause #3: Dollar is strengthened


US treasury bonds are consider the safest investment. During the peak of Eurozone, Greece crisis, the big investors started pulling out money from Europe and investing it in US treasury bonds. = demand of dollar increased. So other currencies would automatically weaken against dollar.


Cause #4: policy paralysis


For past few years, Indian Government was lazy regarding environmental project clearances, land acquisition, FDI in retail, pension, insurance etc. that has led to foreign investors losing faith in Indian economy= slowdown in FII inflows. (besides Government did not allow more FDI in pension / insurance / retail etc. so FDI inflow did not increase either).


Cause #5: Risk On / Risk off


From the earlier article on debt vs equity, Government bonds = safer than equities (shares). But when an investment is safe= it doesn’t offer good returns.


When foreign investors feel confident, they display “risk on” behavior =they invest more in equities, particularly in developing countries. (which are risky but offer more profit).


But when foreign investors are not feeling confident, they display “risk off” behavior, = they usually fall back to investing in US treasury bonds or gold.


In India, majority of foreign investment comes from FII (and not FDI)


and FII investors are more prone to displaying this risk-on/risk-off behavior.


They plug in their money quickly, they pull out their money quickly. Thus, Indian rupee’s exchange rate becomes volatile against Dollar.


Therefore, Indian Government needs to inspire and sustain the confidence of foreign investors, to prevent the fall of rupee. RBI intervention in forex market, cannot help beyond a level.


How to recover rupee ?


Rupee is weakening against dollar, it means demand of rupee is less than the demand for dollars. So how did RBI and Government fix it? RBI =>


During 2012, RBI sold around 3 billion dollars from its forex reserves.


Oct-12, Rupee recovers, 1$=around 51 rupees.


RBI allowed Indian banks to give more interest on Foreign Currency Non-Resident (FCNR) bank accounts. (thus attracting more NRIs to save their dollars in Indian banks).


Govt =>


Govt. allowed FIIs to invest more money in govt. and corporate bonds.


Govt. eased the FDI policy for pension, insurance, aviation, multi-brand retail etc.


Govt. offered subsidies and tax benefits to exporters.


In this way we have an idea how RBI and Govt recovers rupee against foreign currency.


Not only Our rupee weakens


In 2012, Rupee wasnot the only currency that weakened against dollar.


The currencies of other emerging economies, such as Brazilian real, Argentina peso, Russian rouble, and South Africa’s rand also depreciated against the US dollar.


It means dollars’ demand has increased. In the wake of sovereign debt crisis in the euro zone and due to uncertain global economic environment, more and more investors are preferring to buy US treasury bonds and other securities in USA.


For more Economy articles click here Economy


6) Do you think India should use its huge foreign exchange reserves to finance infrastructure projects or to recapitalise fund-starved banks? Critically discuss.


India has a foreign exchange reserve of 350 billion$. Before we analyse the different ways in which they can be used, we need to know the benefits of having foreign exchange reserves.


Firstly, they help us stabilise our economy in global economic crisis. Second, India depends on imports for essential goods. So, we need their supply even in extreme crisis. Foreign exchange reserve allow this. Third, as China is doing, we can utilise them for increasing global clout.


They can also be used for other purposes such as infrastructure funding or bank recapitalisation.


Arguments for using FC reserves : 1) They are issues plaguing our economy. Resolving them at earliest will boost our growth. 2) FC reserves are huge and can easily resolve them.


1) Global economic situation is very volatile. Greek crisis, Chinese stock market crash, American fed tapering make it extremely fragile. 2) Geopolitcis also is volatile. Crude prices can move either way with any drastic change.


FC reserves have their own inherent use. Utilising them for some other purpose is dangerous for our Balance of payment. Every asset should do work its responsible for. We cannot use something like FC for recapitalising banks which have failed in their duty. Other means have to be sought for.


India has accumulated a significant amount of FOREX reserves amounting to $355 billion which ensures immunity from any global economic crisis like the one in 2008 and also combat high liquidity and volatility in the economic scenario.


The issue to use India’s FOREX reserve to finance Infrastructure projects and fund-starved banks is feasible with a significant reserve but the finals say for such an allocation rests with the board of the RBI as the FOREX reserve is not the property of the government. There is requirement of around $6 billion for the infrastructure and reviving banks which is a small portion of the FOREX reserve.


However in India’s infrastructure development scenarios, its not just the lack of investment, which could be taken care of by FOREX reserve, it also faces huge problems in fields of land acquisition, environmental clearances, license raj etc which along with increasing the duration of a project leads of cost over runs which is clearly wasting of money and effort.


The RBI however also has the aim to increase the FOREX reserve to double its value in coming years to completely insulate the country from economic ups and downs caused by various developed economies actions. But the issue of replenishment of the FOREX reserve is a grave one, whether the money pumped from FOREX reserve will have an ample return on investment as the money belongs to RBI and they as any other bank would require the funds to be replenished.


India has been steadily accumulating large amounts of foreign exchange reserves due to healthy turnaround in its economy. India like china, could look into funding of infrastructure projects of other countries. It has the following benefits—


1. social-capital— the expenditure of forex reserves on other countries will win India appreciation and gratitude. It will foster friendly relations and international cooperation. India’s funding of bhutanese supreme court and afganistan parliament is an example of cordial relations.


2. market for india—such infrastructure projects will mean more market for our infrastructure firms. This will increase the capacity of our capital assets, benefitting our domestic needs as well. It also creates market for service sector as bannking and insurance will look to invest in such projects


3. trade-benefits—- the infrastructure projects if underlaid under a detail vision, then it can promote strategic trade and act as a buffer against global economic volatality and threat of piracy. for example–chahabahar port


however, india unlike china is facing some limitations like–


1. cost of sterilisation— since india does not have deeper, matured financial institutions, it still depends on large number of traditional unsecured investments(hot money). As a result, it needs a sufficient buffer in case of capital flight. 2. poor health of exports—india to continously shore up its forex reserves need active participation in world exports which will create a safety-net in case of dip in forex reserves. Since india is not as powerful exporting country as china, it has to be careful in its use of forex reserves.


There is no country in the world using FOREX reserve for financing infrastructure..Please check. thaks


you are right… i interpreted the question as using forex reserves for infra projects outside the country…this is what china and norway have been doing fbecause of their large reserves of forex….rbi too discussing a proposal to buy foreign assets…plz reply if i have got you or not..


Its about domestic usage…also for project outside country there is no need to use FOREX reserve. No country have used FOREX even outside their territory. Forex reserves are for safety and liquidity purpose. State can use FOREX for capital investment outside.


the govt can’t use funds at their will. The foreign reserves that were used to buffer the international market voltality. but it can access it by creating SPVs. The reasons for such an act by the government is: 1. The huge infrastructure projects announced by the government and its unable to finance the funds. 2. During budget sessions we see a greater expenditure cut on many of the centrally sponsored schemes ex, health, education and using that funds to finance new programs launched by the government


The government should should act like a catalyst in the growth of the nation. The government should act to the concerns raised in PPPs.


The foreign exchange reserves which amount to staggering $355 billion can be utilized either to finance infrastructure projects or to recapitalize starved banks flooded with NPA’S. The reserves if at all used for infrastructure certainly can lead to infusion of life in various stalled projects and would aid the make in India scheme of the government. But these reserves are used to pay the import bills, and ongoing financial crisis in Greece may have certain impacts on developing economies like us. Moreover the increase in Brent crude prices may lead to increase in import bills. The reserves if used for supporting Public sector banks, would lower the NPA’s leading to cut in interest rates and spending of money by people, but it shall lead to compromise in balance of payments, which would affect the economy as a whole. So there must be an approach of Banks to build a larger stock of foreign exchange reserves which would aid the government in balancing the deficits in future.


excellent short and crisp answer..But u can use the space to write more points moreover these points could hv been added - 1)rbi’s monetary policy space constrained. 2)fiscal mismanagement by govt gets shielded by using forex to cover the deficits


PLEASE REVIEW FRIENDS


rising population of India has put tremendous pressure on basic infrastructural facility and ongoing compliance with Basel norms put heavy burden on Indian banking sector, further o mitigate the same funds have been channelized from the public accounts. Recent study unleashed that India will be in dire need of investment of one trillion dollar in infrastructure segment and for ensuring smooth inflow of investment government has proposed various models. ironically and pragmatically crude price downfall and world economy favored atmosphere helped Indian Forex reserve to cross marvelous figure of 350 billion mark, however this figure reignited debate among intellectuals about routing this reserve towards infrastructure and bank capitalization projects. Need of growing demand ought to deal with proper care and, funding thoroughly infrastructure project will no be wise enough however certain portion of this reserve should be channelized into banking system with prior condition of credit window to infrastructure projects which possibly deal with both infrastructure and bank capitalization problem. nevertheless country’s foreign reserve should not be seen as an investment alternative rather it is a mechanism to deal with the unforeseen conditions which may arise due to unpredictable nature of world economy which India had faced in 1991.


plz plz plz review…


nice one. you have mentioned that risks are there but at the same time they are ‘ very small’.what is your final stance on it? +ve or - ve?


Foreign exchange reserves constitutes of gold, Special drawing rights, sum of foreign currency deposits and bonds. The higher forex reserves reflects a positive outlook of country’s economy. It is saved and collected by central bank (RBI) for the purpose to meet the uncertainties and contingency. example - If a war broke out with China or Pakistan.


India’s banking sector is suffering from capitalization funds. The issue which emerges is that forex reserves must be used efficiently. keeping alignment with national interests. The use of forex reserves for financing the infrastructure projects is a decision which govt has to take n consultation with RBI. Forex reserves must not be use for purpose of recapitalization of fund-starved banks.


1- As forex reserve is protected and increased for the purpose to help the country’s economy out of crisis situation. India’s forex reserves is highest today but for a rising power $356 billion is comparatively less.


2- The NPA’s are in huge numbers. It can be major cause which might well stop the functioning of infrastructure projects.


3- It will be question on system of checks and balances. Forex reserves are saved by RBI and maintains it. The govt intervention to use forex reserves can effect the process of independent monetary policy formed by the autonomous central bank.


4- Forex reserves are mainly used for meeting their international payment obligations — both short and long terms, including sovereign and commercial debts, financing of imports, for intervention in the foreign currency markets during periods of volatility, besides helping to boost the confidence of the market in the ability of a country to meet its external obligations.


5- Infrastructure projects in India yield low or negative returns due to difficulties – political and economic – especially in adjusting the tariff structure, introducing labour reforms and upgrading technology. Thus, utilization of foreign exchange reserves for re-capitalization of fund-starved bank must can create an unecessary economic problem and further impinge the global positioning of India in terms of foreign loans.


India has amassed forex reserves of over 320bn$. Among others, the two options available to put these into productive purposes is investment in infrastructure and recapitalisation of banks. There are advantages of each with certain flip sides as well.


In the recent years, private sector investment in infrastructure is not forthcoming. and there is dire need to ramp up infra sector. Moreover government has sough to add 8 lakh crores in railways in next few years a part of which can be financed through forex reserves. Financing infrastructure sector like renewable energy and other technology intensive areas with forex will be all the more beneficial.


Banks as well are in desperate need of recapitalisation as there has been a double financial crunch on them in recent years. NPAs are mounting. Recapitalisation will tend to innervate the financial sector which will have cascading effects towards betterment of the economy.


Moreover, there are other alternatives for using forex reserves. Greater investment in international financial institutions, using them as a potential source of power on global platform and preserving them for rainy day when BoP accounts may not be in a favourable position are some of them.


Foreign exchange is the precious component of country’s fiscal health. with india attaining its all time high exchange reserve of $350 billion, there are suggestions to put it to use by investing in capitalisation of banks, and funding of infrastruture projects to ensure growth. RBI rightly rejected the idea of using it at present for various reasons. There are many reasons to not risk foreign reserves. Among them are - 1) reining volatile conditions in global market and economies do not rovide suitable conditions. 2) india being import oriented economy with imports dominating exports by large margin. 3) fall of oil prices along with reduced prices of indian imports has led to increase in foreign reserves. 4) India not completely in sustainable growth path with slowdown of manufatcuring and services 5) uncertainty in Infra projects and banks with High NPAs restrict space for risking forex reserves in them. 6) RBI could not use forex to shield the mismanagement of govt finances by political authorities. India rather than investing and risking precious forex reserves should shore up its reserves to sustainable levels by aiming to doubling the current amount within specific period. once india diversifies its exports along with that attains sutainable levels of forex reserves with improved levels of exports and reduction in imports or atleast zero imports, it would be prudent to use forex for developmental purposes as the present levels are not sustainable considering volatile situation of west asia and diminishing exports to western nations..


who say RBI has rightly rejected the idea..


-Forex reserves are the accumulation of wealth by central banks in form of hard currencies and golds. This reserve is helped to maintain the monetary balance by the banks. Recently India has increased its forex reserve to more than $350 billion. Some analysts are of the view that part of this reserve should be used for infrastructure projects and for recapitalization of PSBs.


-There can be reasons supporting for this decision. First, only a portion of Forex reserve has been proposed to use. Such a small risk can be taken initially. Second, the amount of interest paid to the part of forex reserve by the foreign countries to RBI is also not much. Thus part of the reserve can be invested in this sector.


-But there can also be reasons cited to counter this argument. First, the use of forex reserves for these kind of purposes would snatch the autonomy of RBI. Second, the forex reserves are for monetary policies and using it by government can be seen as alternative for fiscal deficit management.


-India should try to use different ways to invest in infra and recapitalize PSBs. Though the proportion of Forex reserve is less but it would affect the sentiments of the FII and FDIs investing in India. Moreover, it might also make the government to do away with the fiscal responsibility.


good answer..would hv been excellent if u had written in points as u hv mentioned first, second in paragraphs..first point in counter argument could be completed by saying that rbi loses its space for monetary policy decision making.


I tried to write it in points but because of only two points in each segment switched to para. But would to remember your feedback in future. Thanks for the review abd.


While most agree that the proposal is preposterous and a government that could not wring Debt Management Office out of RBI is certainly not going to do this.


Conclusion can be that once reserves cross $750 billion to $1trillion (CEA Arvind Subramanian’s figure for safety), RBI can design a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) so as to invest abroad. Even then domestic investment is strict no-no as it has tendency to fuel inflation and RBI has recently secured “fighting inflation” as its priority.


The RBI uses foreign exchange reserves for financing of imports, for intervention in the foreign currency markets during periods of volatility, and to absorb any unforeseen external shocks, contingencies or unexpected capital movements.


The government of India intends to use a part of this foreign exchange reserves to finance infrastructure projects. Using foreign reserves for infra funding or to recapitalize fund-starved banks isn’t a good idea. Following reasons support this view:-


· Infrastructure projects in India yield low or negative returns due to slow execution


· The amount of foreign exchange reserves in India is modest when compared to some of the other countries in the region and it can be argued that the proposed plan may lead to more economic difficulties than anticipated benefits.


· The caution is warranted since the global financial markets are still not in good health


· In the absence of a sustainable recovery in global economies, the possibility of a capital flight cannot be ruled out in the event of a crisis situation.


Infrastructure indeed is a cash-starved sector. But rather than funding it from foreign exchange reserves, It should be by resolving the structural bottlenecks, such as ensuring fuel linkages and making the clearance process faster. Once this happens, private investments would automatically begin to flow into infrastructure development.


Use of Forex Reserve for the Infrastructure project


Forex is the Assets held by the central bank in form of the SDR. Oro. Dollar etc. In India it is held by the RBI for the Mainly the reason for the uncertainties and contingency.


The Idea of the Use of this Forex for the Infra firstly Floated by the Montk singh. the Then VC of the planning commission but till the date no conclusion come on the proposal. The Main reason Is the Bitter memory of the 1991 BOP Crisis. But The Situation changed today. It should be used for the projects for the following reasons :-


· (1) Huge Reserve :- India Have currently more than $350 Asset and use of the 3%-4% For the Infrastructure will not lead to the big risk.


(2) Bottle neck of the infra and No Alternate way for the funding :- Bottle neck of the infra is long and Well know problem and last decade Govt Experiment the PPP but do not get the success and not Since last 2-3 years Hoping on FDI but it’s also not get success.


(3) No Future risk :- India Economy growing highest in world. Efficient FRBM mechanism. Decreasing gap of the CAD in last 2 year, this suggest that There is less probability of the deep in forex reserve in next 3-4 years.


Though the Idea Seems Good In first sight there are some Monetary and accountability issues in the use of the forex reserve :-


(1) RBI’s Role :- It undermines the RBI’s autonomy as the sole arbiter on the use of forex reserves. RBI Solely responsible for the Inflation measures and The Forex increase the Ruppe circulation in economy that Effect the RBI management.


(2) Uncertainly in infra projects :- Already huge investment of the bank struck in the PPP based Infra projects and It’s main reason for the Increase of NPA. This experience suggest that even small part of forex investment is also risky.


(3) Uncertainty in Oil Market and Indian dependence on other :- India Import 75% of the crude and Oil Market equation is not in the reach of the Indian policy. This Area need the Strong Forex reserve.


The economic survey claims that by reducing SLR and priority sector lending, banks can be recapitalised without any capital infusion from the govt. Both SLR and PSL account to over 60% of the Bank’s credit.


Yes it is …But it’s the “Necessary Evil” 😀


SLR is the Prime for the stability of the Banking and PSL for the Equal Socio economic benefits. And In addition SLR is not in cash. it’s CRR that in cash.


For Infra. other way to get fund is the Money form disinvestment and Extra cess – on both Govt working.


( btw. In some Earlier Answer. I suggest the CRR and SLR for the Infra project. Write As per the Question demand 😀 )


The world around being in an economic dilemma, India is posing for a step to invest its pile of forex reserves to finance infrastructure projects and fund-starved banks. It can do so, may be with the following assurances:


a) India recently ranked as a top 10 favored foreign investment destination crossing Russia too. b) A well accommodated forex reserves that can immunizes India from on going world economic crisis. c) Liberalized FDI policies in many sectors can offer a chance to crop up the foreign investments in future that can act as a source of funding. d) With the initiatives of Make in India, attractive return rates compared to other countries as of now may attract foreign investment.


But the other side of the coin differs or infact contrasts to the above features. They are: a) India is not a export driven economy, but import dependent one. b) Weak Oil prices may speculate this action, but their reversal can happen any time with fragile middle east political conditions. c) India has a long history of high gestation period in Infrastructure projects and low returns which may end up in losses too. d) Banks must have the credible monetary policy to develop, not using fragile Forex reserves e) Finally, India foreign fund was mainly in FII rather than FDI. FII is more volatile that can make external sector vulnerable.


Conclusion Subash one line even like some percentage of forex reserves can be channelized after proper risk assesments rest all good .


There are some concern in Utilising the forex reserve for these purposes - a. India’s forex reserve is only nearly 350 bn dollar and most of them is because of FII which is hot money and can outflow in short time and thus can create a currency crisis in country if India don’t have adequate backing of forex reserve.


segundo. It is an interference in the autonomy of the RBI as it is function of RBI to manage monetry policy and forex reserve. do. It is an backdoor for currency appriciation which can harm India’s export. re. India’s infrastructure organisation is not trustwothy and these projects have long gestation period so it is wise not to invest in such risky area. But there are some points which supports the investments eg: a. Only 3-4% of total forex reserve will be needed in the process so it is worth risk taking. segundo. India’s most current forex reserve lies with foreign central banks which gives interest rates like 3-4%. c China has also utilised its forex reserve to fund its infra projects so India should also do that. Since India’s infrastructure are starved for investment and PSB have to infused with huge capital so government should take the step but simultaneously ensuring that its forex reserve are replenished again mainly by FDI and current account surplus.


Foreign exchange reserves of any country play a huge role having a favorable balance of payments and determines macro economic stability of economy. Indian government is thinking towards using huge reserves to finance infrastructure projects or recapitalise needy banks.


India’s targeted growth of 8% is possible only if favorable ecosystem along with infrastructure is developed for success of programmes like Make in India, Indigenization of technology etc. In addition it can redistribute the growth through financial inclusion. banks have a crucial role to play. However infrastructure development needs long term finance. according to finance ministry – banks and PSU’s need infusion of 40000 crores in next two years. India can utilize its growing foreign exchange reserves as alternative model of financing to PPP model for infra development. Recent initiative of BRICS to establish contingency reserve fund could act as buffer, if need arises However this could be a difficult task as foreign exchange reserves do not come under the ambit of central government. RBI would not be willing to part with it easily. Thus functional challenges remain in execution of this idea. additionally there is risk of disturbing the balance of payments. While It is a good idea to mobilize finance for much needed infrastructure development, India needs to be cautious in deciding how much to recapitalise and at the same time how to sustain the exchange reserves at healthy levels for economy.


After liberalisation of indian economy we have seen an upsurge in foreign reserve and FEX amount to roughly 300 billion dollars. which is bound to rise with rising exports. currently we are in a dire need of infrastructure investment with govt. trying with innovative solutions such IIB etc to finace projects from telecom, highways, communication, rural connectivity . basel 3 norms also require bank recapitalisation. arguementts against - 1.FII largely account for FEX and not FDI. 2.FEX not large enough to be on a safe side. 3.not hig returns on onfrastructure with delays in PPP projexts as have been seen. 4.reduce role of RBI as govt. role would increase. 5.main function is to ensure cuurenct stability with looming crisis of greece and in past of US and EU. in favour 1.need of infrastrucure. investment. 2.FEX largely parked in deposits and securities with low rate of returns. 3.investments in SEZ can increase exports and further increasing FEX.


thus, when suficient enough FEX can be investe in the form of sovereign funds.


India has substantial amount of forex reserve and it is increasing time to time as reported by the RBI. For any country forex reserve act as a safety cushion to protect it’s country’s currency against devaluation in foreign exchange market. Forex reserve also help to pay debt to international organisation. In the recent scenario Indian currency is suffering from devaluation in currency exchange market against US dollar so forex reserve can be useful in this case. RBI can decisively use its reserve by participating in exchange market. It can stop devaluation of rupee by releasing sufficient amount of its accumulated reserve. Today’s world is also witnessing Greek Crisis. Greece is suffering from huge debt burden in IMF and ECB. Many european countries are denying to bail out Greece until or unless it take some strict austerity measures. But austerity can lead to slow growth can adversely impact on its unemployment. Greek people therefore deliberately rejected this idea of austerity in referendum. In a nutshell today’s Greece is going through a dilemma. In the current global scenario whole global economy is suffering a deep recession after 2008.India till now has been protected itself from it’s impact. Recently RBI Governor has also stated that currently this country has enough Forex reserve to confront a crisis like Greece. So forex reserve give a dimension of confidence in economy and also attracts foreign investor to invest in this country which in turn accelerate FDI growth in country. On the other hand our nationalised bank is currently starving from capital deficit. For stalled projects and deplorable agricultural income most corporate lenders and farmers are unable to pay back their debt. This helps to grow NPA. So under this circumstances surplus forex reserve can be a boost we can invest it in our industrial growth and also give to our bank to help them to revive from capital deficiency. So government should take decision judiciously and should also frame a correct policy notion which will correctly bifurcate the share of forex reserve in domestic market and also in international economic affairs.


Foreign exchange reserves serve to provide cushion against shocks in economy and also act as a stabilizing device for the same. India has over $300b of Forex reserves which is a good number. Significance of healthy Forex reserves to India is tied in history. Back in 1991 India was on the verge of default and its reserves had almost dried up which implied it could barely import oil which in turn was so crucial to our economy and still is. The highly volatile West Asia has made crude oil prices volatile. Moreover, fortunes of other economies exercise influence on Indian economy as witnessed in the ongoing tussle between EU and Greece. Slowdown in Chinese economy does not bode well for us. Thankfully, India can cope with it because of the healthy state of its Forex reserves. Therefore, it can be said that presently, India should focus on investments in the form of FDI and FII and make the ‘Ease of doing Business’ index favorable for it. Indian government has also advised banks to raise capital from the market and it can also look at divestment as an option. Using Forex reserves however, in current scenario would not be the best option.


I totally lie in sync to what the ex - RBIgovernor feels and strongly stand against the notion of using FOREX to fund infra projects The only instance when RBI deployed its reserves for infra funding was when a window was created through setting up of an overseas subsidary of IIFC (UK). 2008. But beyond that the RBI is pretty conservative in opening up ist reserves kitty. FOREX reserves are meant to act as a cushion which the RBI is holding for a rainy day. In order to finance the infra projects. the govt has to make sure that the stalled projects gathers momentum which will autoativally allow FDI’s to flow in to fund the infra sector apart from emboldening the ‘Make in India’ concept As far as the recapitalization of the fund starved banks are concerned. a special economic vehicle should be desighned for this plus a greater chunk of the budgeting expenditure should be infused rather than exploiting the Foreign Exchange Reserves


1990-92 Early 1990s Recession


The recession of the early 1990s lasted from July 1990 to March 1991. It was the largest recession since that of the early 1980s and contributed to George H. W. Bush's re-election defeat in 1992. Although mainly attributable to the workings of the business cycle and restrictive monetary policy, the 1990-91 recession demonstrated the growing importance of financial markets to the American and world economies.


From November 1982 to July 1990 the U. S. economy experienced robust growth, modest unemployment, and low inflation. The "Reagan boom" rested on shaky foundations, however, and as the 1980s progressed signs of trouble began to mount. On October 19, 1987 stock markets around the world crashed. In the U. S. the Dow Jones Industrial Average lost over 22% of its value. Although the causes of "Black Monday" were complex, many saw the crash as a sign that investors were worried about the inflation that might result from large U. S. budget deficits. The American housing market presented another sign of weakness, as in the second half of the 1980s a large number of savings and loan associations (private banks that specialized in home mortgages) went bankrupt. The collapse of the S&L industry negatively impacted the welfare of many American households and precipitated a large government bailout that placed further strain on the budget.


Although the 1987 stock market crash and the S&L crisis were separate phenomena, they demonstrated the growing importance of financial markets—and associated public and private sector debt—to the workings of the American economy. Other causes of the early 1990s recession included moves by the U. S. Federal Reserve to raise interest rates in the late 1980s and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in the summer of 1990. The latter drove up the world price of oil, decreased consumer confidence, and exacerbated the downturn that was already underway.


Although the National Bureau of Economic Research has concluded that the early 1990s recession lasted just eight months, conditions improved slowly thereafter, with unemployment reaching almost 8% as late as June 1992. The sluggish recovery was a key factor in George H. W. Bush's defeat for re-election to the U. S. presidency in November 1992.


Mark Carlson, "A Brief History of the 1987 Stock Market Crash with a Discussion of the Federal Reserve Response," Federal Reserve Board, Washington, D. C. (2006): http://www. federalreserve. gov/Pubs/feds/2007/200713/200713pap. pdf


Peter Temin, "The Causes of American Business Cycles: An Essay in Economic Historiography," in Jeffrey C. Fuhrer and Scott Schuh, eds. Beyond Shocks: What Causes Business Cycles? (Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, 1998), 37-59.


Carl Walsh, "What Caused the 1990-1991 Recession?" Economic Review of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco (1993): 34-48: http://www. frbsf. org/publications/economics/review/1993/93-2_34-48.pdf


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December 24th 2009


Indian Rupee’s Rise is Sustainable


While the Indian Rupee has risen more than 10%, since bottoming in March, it has increased only 4.3% in value in the year-to-date. Still, given how turbulent the first few months of 2009 were (a continuation of 2008, really), this modest appreciation was actually the third highest, among Asian currencies, behind only the Indonesian Rupiah and Korean Won.


For those of you that don’t regularly follow the Rupee (to be fair, I probably fall into this category), it has basically ebbed and flowed over the last couple years in accordance with risk appetite, hardly breaking ranks with other emerging market currencies. It rose to record highs in 2007, only to lose 30% of its value in 2008 as the credit crisis exploded. In 2009, as I pointed out above, it has staged a modest recovery, as investors have hungrily poured money back into emerging markets.


In fact, the benchmark Indian stock market index has risen 79% this year, its best performance since 1991. The bond market has also been performing well, thanks to a recent upgrade by Moody’s of the government’s sovereign local currency debt. “Moody’s said the move reflects ‘increasing evidence that the Indian economy has demonstrated its resilience to the global crisis and is expected to resume a high growth path with its underlying credit metrics relatively intact.’ & # 8221; As a result, foreign capital, some of which is bound to be speculative, is pouring into India. $100 million a day is being plowed into Indian stocks by foreign funds.


Analysts remain extremely optimistic about near-term prospects of India, partly because of its association with China (termed “Chindia.”) “India’s exports climbed in November for the first time in 14 months after sliding an average 21 percent since October 200…Overseas shipments rose 18 percent to $13.3 billion from a year earlier.” The result is blazing GDP growth, clocked at 7.9% in the recent quarter. Interest rates are already a healthy 3.25%, and can be expected to rise in the near-term as the economic recovery continues to cement itself.


Certain risks remain, namely that the government is spending money like there’s no tomorrow. It will borrow the equivalent of $100 Billion this year to finance a record budget deficit, equal to 6.8% of GDP. Compared to other economies, however, this is hardly remarkable, which is why India’s sovereign credit rating was upgraded despite the rising debt. “Moody’s said the government’s debt trajectory was stable and the government had high debt financing capability.”


Going forward, forex traders are relatively conservative in their forecasts for the Rupee, with consensus estimates for the currency to remain relatively flat during the course of the next year. This is surprising, given that it remains well off of its 2007 highs and thus, relatively cheap. Perhaps, its a sign that investors are nervous about the Indian government’s lack of a coherent long-term plan. Perhaps, it reflects uncertainty about bubbles that are forming in other corners of emerging markets. Probably, it shows that despite all of the progress that was made in 2009 towards containing the credit crisis, investors still remain vigilant, and are hedging their bets accordingly.


More about this next time.


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Use forex reserves to battle rupee crisis: Montek


New Delhi: In the backdrop of the declining value of Indian rupee, Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia has said the government has not drawn any red line on the Indian rupee, which he felt has over depreciated.


"I don't believe that either the government or the RBI have taken a view that we are drawing a red line on which Indian rupee should be. At the moment, in my view, the Indian rupee is over depreciated," Ahluwalia said.


Last week, the Indian rupee touched an all time low of 65.56 against the dollar on Thursday but recovered to 63.20 on Friday on Finance Minister P Chidambaram's pep talk and suspected intervention by the Reserve Bank.


The Indian rupee has depreciated over 17 per cent against the dollar since April-end this year.


According to Ahluwalia, the steps taken by the RBI, including control of capital transfers, were misinterpreted by the markets. Earlier, RBI Governor-designate Raghuram Rajan and Economic Affairs Secretary Arvind Mayaram had ruled out bringing back capital controls.


Explaining further, Ahluwalia said serious investors look at what authorities say when markets are troubled.


On the possibility of India going to IMF for funds, Ahluwalia said: "(It is) absolutely ridiculous suggestion. The scale of facility you would need to get from IMF is very small compared to the (foreign exchange) reserves you have."


Ahluwalia advocated the use of foreign exchange reserves as a measure to limit the current account deficit (CAD). The government aims to cut it down to $70 billion, or 3.7 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product this fiscal.


"Now in my view, there is no point whatsoever having foreign exchange reserve if you are not going to use them when necessary," Ahluwalia said.


According to Ahluwalia, the CAD would be lower this fiscal than it was in 2012-13 ($88.2 billion, or 4.8 per cent of the GDP), on account of reduced gold imports and there would be a slack in demand of petroleum products due to sluggish economic growth.


On the efforts made by the Cabinet Committee on Investment set up to deal with held up projects, he said the power projects having generating capacity of 78,000 MW would have fuel supply arrangements in place by the end of this month.


According to Ahluwalia, 95 per cent of government's efforts at this moment should be in trying to make sure that the impediments to growth are removed.


However, he admitted that there is no visible response to many policy decisions taken so far by the government to remove impediments to growth.


"I believe. we have done a lot, at the moment there isn't evidence yet of a response. But remember, you take a policy step, there is a time lag," he said.


On the statement of Aditya Birla Group headed by Kumar Mangalam Birla that $10 billion worth of its projects were held up, he said, "Let us be clear, the first priority that the Cabinet Committee on Investment quite rightly gave was for power projects that are supplying power to the grid."


"We are not saying that Aditya's case is not a good one. I personally think we should give that too but his was the next round I-captive power plant. They are being considered now," he added.


On meeting fiscal deficit target this year, he said: "If you are serious about meeting the fiscal deficit and you find that there is not enough revenue, you just have to cut expenditure and any finance minister can cut expenditure. It is not a pleasant thing to do but he (finance minister) has to do it."


On swap arrangements with others, he said: ". if you are a normal country and you needed a liquidity protection you would use a swap arrangement or you would go to the IMF. We don't need to do any of that."


Ruling out the possibility of swap arrangements, he said, " We only have swap arrangement with Japan. We don't have swap arrangement, many other countries do. that swap arrangement is of $10 billion, we have $280 billion of our own money."


About exploring the idea of swap arrangements with Bank of England and with the European Central Bank, he said, ". as a general rule, I am in favour of exploring the possibility of regional swap arrangements. I don't believe that the ECB would be interested in swap arrangement with a non reserved currency."


On regional swap arrangements he said, "It is irrelevant at this stage, when you are in middle of a problem. That's not time you join arrangements."


"..there is a Chiang Mai arrangement where we are not members of, but I think, in long term, this is an issue that both the Finance Ministry and External Affairs all have to think about, do we need to join a regional arrangement?"


About rise in government subsidy bill due to Food Security Bill, Ahluwalia said: ". (it) is just one component of subsidies. If we want to keep total subsidies under control, I don't think you should regard the food subsidy as the one that is most vulnerable."


Indian PM rules out repeat of 1991 economic crisis


India's premier ruled out Saturday any suggestion the country could suffer a repeat of its 1991 balance-of-payments crisis as it grapples with a plunging rupee and a huge trade gap.


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh spoke a day after India's currency hit a new low of 62.03 rupees to the dollar and stocks posted their sharpest single-day fall in nearly two years.


Singh was finance minister in 1991 and was credited with overcoming the deep economic crisis.


"There is no question of going back to the 1991 crisis," Singh told reporters in New Delhi in televised remarks at a book launch.


In 1991, hard currency reserves had sunk so low that India was on the brink of defaulting on its foreign loans.


Singh said the country only had foreign exchange reserves for 15 days in 1991.


"Now we have reserves of six to seven months. So there is no comparison. And no question of going back to the 1991 crisis," he said.


India still has painful memories of 1991, when New Delhi had to pledge its gold reserves with the International Monetary Fund to fund its debt.


To get India out of its economic morass, Singh unleashed sweeping change, beginning the process of abolishing what was known as the "licence raj", a system of economic management ruled by government monopolies, quotas and permits that dictated what firms could make.


Since June 1 this year, overseas funds have pulled out a combined $11.58 billion in equities and debt from India's markets over concerns about a sharply slowing economy, regulatory data shows.


To curb the rupee's fall, Indian policymakers have pushed up short-term interest rates and announced plans to allow state firms to raise funds abroad and curb gold imports.


Earlier this week, the central bank also tightened controls on the amount of money local firms and individuals can send abroad.


Asked about the record current account deficit -- the broadest measure of trade -- Singh acknowledged the problem and said gold imports needed to be further curbed.


Gold is the second-largest contributor to the current account deficit after oil.


"We seem to be investing a lot in unproductive assets," he noted.


Gold is hugely popular in India, especially during religious festivals and wedding seasons, and is also bought as a hedge against inflation.


India's woes have been exacerbated by signals the US could soon slow its stimulus drive that prompted big investment flows to emerging markets, and homegrown graft scandals that have virtually paralysed government policymaking.


Singh added that he hoped for "fresh thinking" at the central bank when its new governor Raghuram Rajan takes over in September.


"The time has come to look at the possibilities and limitations of the monetary policy in a globalised economy," he said.


India's finance ministry is reported to regard the current central bank leadership as overly conservative in its focus on inflation at the expense of economic growth.


Rajan is a former International Monetary Fund chief economist and is famed for predicting the 2008 global financial crisis.


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New Delhi, Aug 29 (IANS) Excessive self-criticism is sending wrong signals to foreign investors and the current economic scenario in India is not comparable with the 1991 crisis when the country was forced to pledge its gold to pay import bills, an Indian-American money manager has said.


“I don’t think India is going through the 1991 like crisis. That situation was different. It’s not comparable,” said Natwar Gandhi, 72, chief financial officer of Washington DC, who is credited with the fiscal turnaround of the US capital from near bankruptcy in 2000 to a surplus budget today.


“Foreign investors are withdrawing money not because something has suddenly gone wrong with the Indian economy. This is more to do with the US central bank’s move,” the Gujarat-born Gandhi, on a visit here for sharing his experience on urban governance, told IANS in an exclusive interview.


An alumnus of the Louisiana State University, Gandhi was alluding to the US Federal Reserve’s hints at easing the fiscal stimulus that has been in force since 2008 to ward off the economic crisis, which experts say have hit currency markets in a host of countries, including India.


Foreign funds have pulled out over $12 billion from Indian debt and equities markets since the US Federal Reserve hinted at tapering stimulus in late May. This has led to almost 20 percent slump in the value of Indian currency against US dollar and a sharp drop in stock markets.


Gandhi said the huge pulling out of money by foreign funds from the Indian markets was linked largely to the US Federal Reserve’s comments.


He said excessive self-criticism and political compulsions were adding to the volatility in the currency markets. “There are problems, but I see a great deal of self-criticism. Excessive self-criticism sends wrong signal to the foreign investors,” él dijo.


Gandhi said India is passing through very difficult economic situation, even though the condition is not as critical as it was in 1990s.


In 1991, India was forced to pledge its gold in order to pay its bills as the country’s foreign exchange reserve had fallen to $3 billion, not enough even to cover three weeks of imports. Today, the foreign exchange reserve is nearly $280 billion that can cover seven months of imports. Besides, the central bank has more tools to manage volatility in the currency markets.


Gandhi pointed out the 1991 crisis had acted as a trigger for economic liberalisation, and the Indian government must take similar bold reform measures to emerge stronger out of the crisis.


“You have to liberalise more. This is the only long lasting solution to these kind of economic problems,” él dijo.


As chief financial officer of the District of Columbia, in which Washington falls, Gandhi is responsible for the city’s finances, including its nearly $7 billion in annual operating and capital funds. He has built on the city’s financial progress by securing multiple rating upgrades from the major rating agencies for its general obligation bonds.


He said implementation is a major problem in India and it is a big drag on the country’s economic performance.


“I understand that the government has political compulsions. But they must act. They must have a bold vision,” Gandhi told IANS.


On opening up of India’s retail sector for foreign investment, Gandhi said resistance to the move was natural given its impact on a large number of small traders.


“In Washington, there has been substantial resistance against Walmart. It is facing similar resistance in other cities of the United States. No wonder, similar resistance is going on in India as well,” él dijo.


However, he emphasised that opening up of retail sector was good for consumers in India and the economy and the government must implement the decision and encourage foreign supermarket operators to set up shops.


No question of a throwback to 1991 crisis: PM


Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Saturday reassured investors that there would be no going back on the globalisation of the Indian economy and that there was no chance of a 1991-like rerun in balance of payments crisis, which had forced India to pledge its gold reserves abroad to raise foreign exchange.


“Then, the country only had foreign exchange reserves for 15 days of imports. now we have reserves for seven months. So there is no comparison,” he said shortly after releasing the fourth volume of the book, ‘RBI History-Looking Back and Looking Ahead’, at his residence in New Delhi.


Singh also hinted at the possibility of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) reviewing its monetary stance, which has, while focusing on curbing inflation and stablising the rupee, had an adverse impact on growth. Clouds darken over economy as Re hits new low


“I think Raghuram Rajan (governor-designate, RBI) will evolve a policy with the help of professional persons for a national consensus if we have to carry on with implementing social and economic changes in a complex economy,” él dijo. Rajan will take over as RBI governor on September 5, a day after incumbent D Subbarao’s term ends.


Finance minister P Chidam­baram had said in Rajya Sabha on August 14: “The (RBI’s) mandate of price stability must be seen as part of a larger mandate and the larger mandate is growth and employment.”


It has been widely speculated that the government is unhappy with Subbarao’s hawkish stance on inflation and the falling value of the rupee (which has depreciated 15% against the dollar this year). This stance has kept the cost of funds high and has been blamed for contributing substantially to the economic slowdown.


The Prime Minister admitted that import of gold was a big problem and blamed it for the high current account deficit.


USD/INR: Rupee to Weaken on Post-Crisis Trends, Higher Gold Prices


-Emerging market, Indian inflation seasonality is not in the Indian Rupee’s favor during 2Q.


-Food inflation year-to-date is disconcerting in the context of India’s CPI basket.


-Confidence in the April/May elections, RBI may be stretched.


It is fair to say that the appreciation of the Indian Rupee (INR) may have gone too far. Originally bid as confidence in the Reserve Bank of India returned on the back of Raghuram Rajan ’s move to the central bank, recent USDollar weakness and Indian election confidence has pushed USDINR below the 60 handle. Over the past few months we’ve detailed multiple bullish factors for the Rupee, but certain factors developing into this summer may begin to disrupt trends seen in the first quarter.


In the near term, it appears as though confidence in the RBI and the month long Indian election cycle has reached a positive extreme. Market participants can front run a win by the opposition party today, but there is no guarantee that confidence will remain tomorrow. Post-election euphoria has faded before and would likely fade again, especially in the context of emerging market uncertainty and higher rates out of the RBI.


Although the Rupee survived the EM FX selloff. we’ve noted seasonal factors that include higher inflation into the summer pose risks in the second quarter. The Reserve Bank of India is likely to struggle with combating inflation in the near term, especially in the context of recent developments in the agricultural sector. Food prices constitute a large part of the CPI basket and poor weather around the globe combined disruptions in the grain market vis-à-vis Ukraine have led to higher than normal food inflation for this time of year.


As we discussed, the Indian Rupee held up well during the EM FX selloff, but the currency has been further helped by emerging market strength over the past few weeks. Looking at seasonality studies on the MSCI EM ETF, flows tend to top in April before heading south until summer. If this trend pans out, we could very well see emerging market currencies come under pressure in the second quarter. especially if we have set a concerted USDollar low as of last week.


Seasonality Study: MSCI Emerging Market ETF


The Indian Rupee has strengthened (USD/INR lower) year-to-date, but the rest of the year does not look as bullish for the Rupee if the past 5 years are any indication. Just as seasonal CPI strength and EM weakness looks to bottom in summer, the Rupee looks to weaken into August and September.


USD/INR: Seasonality Study


Part of the usual INR weakness in August and September may not be as pronounced in 2014 if we do see gold import restrictions hold. Although it may be a tough political sell post-election, keeping the measures in place could help lessen the adverse impact of higher gold prices in the third quarter.


Spot Gold Price: Seasonality Study


Gregory Marks, DailyFX Research Team


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K R Sudhaman | 06 Jul, 2015 India, which had a global share of 2.4 percent in trade at the time of independence, dropped to a mere 0.7 percent in 1991 because of inward looking policy of self-reliance and exporting only the surplus. The balance of payment crisis in 1991 rightly brought about a change in India's economic philosophy. This change resulted in opening up the economy and a new foreign trade policy that resulted in India's two way trade in both merchandise and services reach nearly USD one trillion annually from a mere USD 70-80 billion in 1991. But the question is have we done enough. While India's share in global merchandise trade has gone up to 1.7 percent in 2013-14 from 0.7 percent in 1991, China's has gone up to a whopping 11.8 percent from 1.8 percent in the same period. In Services trade, India, which had a slight edge two decades ago because of IT software, had gone up from 1.2 percent of global share in 1991 to 3 percent in 2013-14. China whose share was a mere 0.5 percent in global services trade in 1991, has gone up to 4 percent in 2013. The figures speak for themselves. While we have gone a long way in trade since the opening up, India has not done enough to realise its true potential.


Twenty-five years since trade liberalization started in India, but there lot of fixing is still needed. The new foreign trade policy announced by Commerce and Industry Minister Smt Nirmala Sitharaman in April this year attempts to fix some of the problems in bid to reach USD 900 billion of merchandise and services exports annually in five years. This meant total two-way trade is expected to double from the present USD 1 trillion to USD 2 trillion annually in the next five years. This is a gigantic task considering that global economy is still struggling to gain momentum.


The global outlook has certain positives and negatives. Lower global oil prices helped oil importing countries like India as it imported nearly 80 percent of its requirement. But lower oil prices hit the oil exporting economies like West Asia and this contributed to slowing down of exports from India and west Asia is one of the major importer of Indian goods and services. So, softening of commodity prices globally had certain advantages and disadvantages to India's trade. Also there is volatility in exchange rates and this impacts trade badly. Indian exporters always say that more than appreciating or depreciating currency, volatility in exchange rates poses greater danger to trade.


Though this bleak global outlook provided lot of challenges to India's trade, it has also provided opportunity to fix the problems faced by India to make its trade more competitive. The new foreign trade policy has sought to address some of them. Trade facilitation and ease of doing business are the two major impediments to pushing India's trade. While it takes six hours for a ship to turnaround that is to off-load and up load and leave in Singapore on an average, it takes six days for a ship to turnaround in any of the major Indian ports. Also the road connectivity to ports is so bad that it delays container movements. The huge container ships and tankers cannot land in any of the major ports because of low draft as result of which there has to be trans-shipment at Colombo or Singapore increasing cost to exporters. The paperwork is much more in India than elsewhere in the world.


It is precisely for this reason the new Foreign Trade Policy considers these two challenges --trade facilitation and ease of doing business, as major focus areas. Recently government reduced the number of mandatory documents required for exports and imports to three, which is comparable with international benchmarks. A facility has been created now for uploading documents in exporter or importer profile and the exporters will not be required to submit documents repeatedly. Government has also made an attempt to simplify various "Aayat Niryat" forms, bringing in clarity in different provisions, removing ambiguities and enhancing electronic governance.


One of the problems manufacturing exporters complain is inadequate and erratic power supply. This creates problems for exporters to keep up the schedule for delivery. As a result exporters forced to go diesel generators for power backup raising the cost. One unit of thermal power costs Rs 4-5 per unit whereas diesel power costs around Rs 15 per unit and sometimes Rs 3-4 per unit more because of large scale of diesel pilferage in the country. Government's ambitious programme in the power sector will help ease this problem. Government proposes to add 2.66 lakh Mw of additional power including 100,000 mw of solar power with an investment of over USD 300 billion in the next five years. This will help India's trade particularly manufactured exports. The foreign trade policy provides a necessary framework for increasing exports of goods and services as well as job creation and increasing value addition in the country.


The new FTP lays down a road map for India's global trade engagement in the coming years and measures required for trade promotion, infrastructure development and overall enhancement of trade eco system, according to the Commerce minister. But government should be careful while entering into regional trade agreements as there are fears that they are being increasingly used by global corporates to make emerging economies to bend and rule by proxy. The tough negotiations by India in the India-EU free trade agreement went to show, India would not give in that easily to corporate lobby through their governments in those countries.


The five year trade policy also introduces two new schemes – Merchandise exports from Indian scheme for export of specified gods to specified markets and Services Exports from India scheme for increasing exports of notified services in place of plethora of schemes earlier with different condition for eligibility and usage. This is yet another step in moving towards ease of doing business. Measures have also been taken to give boost to defence and hi-tech exports. Robots are increasingly replacing some of the mundane and hazardous jobs done by workers like in the paint shop and precision work. This is an area where India could leapfrog and overtake China in this new export frontier. Government should lay special emphasis to cash-in this sector.


Inverted duty structure of raw materials and intermediary goods was one area that was bothering manufacturing sector and their exports particularly in the electronics sector. Over USD 40 billion of electronics goods are being imported, next only to oil and gold imports in the country. This is being sought to be addressed by the new electronics policy, which aims to attract up to USD 400 billion investments in the sector in the coming years. Also finance minister Sh Arun Jaitley has addressed some of the inverted duty structure issue in his last two budgets and foreign trade policy promises to do more.


Overall, the new foreign trade policy is on the right track some of major woes of exporters in pushing up India's trade. It has started with right earnest. The previous trade policy was to take India's merchandise exports to USD 500 billion annually by 2013-14 but ended up with USD 312 billion in 2013-14, a way off the mark. Global economic situation was said to be the reason for not achieving the target. One only hope the same thing is not repeated.


**K R Sudhaman is a senior business journalist. Source: PIB


Mrs. Shyamala Gopinath holds a Master's Degree in Commerce and is a CAIIB. Mrs. Gopinath has over 39 years of experience in financial sector policy formulation in different capacities at RBI. As Deputy Governor of RBI for seven years and member of the Board, Mrs. Gopinath had been guiding and influencing the national policies in the diverse areas of financial sector regulation and supervision, development and regulation of financial markets, capital account management, management of government borrowings, forex reserves management and payment and settlement systems.


During 2001-03, Mrs. Gopinath worked as senior financial sector expert in the then Monetary Affairs and Exchange Department of the International Monetary Fund (Financial Institutions Division). She was responsible for preparing the accompanying document to the Guidelines on Foreign Exchange Reserve Management detailing country practices. Mrs. Gopinath was a member of the FSAP missions to Tanzania, Nigeria, Hungary and Poland and the Foreign Exchange and Reserve Management team to Turkey and Kosovo.


Mrs. Gopinath was actively involved in managing India's balance of payments crisis in 1991, the fall out of the Asian and the Russian crisis, nuclear sanctions against India, Kargil war with Pakistan and the transmission of the recent financial crisis to Indian financial system and the markets.


Mrs. Gopinath is a member of the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Audit Committee (Chairperson)


Nomination and Remuneration Committee


Risk Policy and Monitoring Committee


Customer Service Committee (Chairperson)


Fraud Monitoring Committee (Chairperson)


Appointment Letter - Part Time Non Executive Chairperson


Mr. Partho Datta is an Associate Member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India. Mr. Datta joined Indian Aluminum Company Limited (INDAL) and was with INDAL and its parent company in Canada for 25 years and held positions as Treasurer, Chief Financial Officer and Director - Finance during his tenure. Thereafter, Mr. Datta joined the Chennai based Murugappa Group as the head of Group Finance and was a member of the Management Board of the Group, as well as Director in several Murugappa Group companies. Post retirement from the Murugappa Group, Mr. Datta was an advisor to the Central Government-appointed Board of Directors of Satyam Computers Services Limited during the restoration process and has also been engaged in providing business / strategic and financial consultancy on a selective basis.


Mr. Datta has rich and extensive experience in various financial and accounting matters including financial management.


Mr. Datta is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Audit Committee


Nomination and Remuneration Committee


Corporate Social Responsibility Committee


Risk Policy and Monitoring Committee


Fraud Monitoring Committee


Appointment Letter - Independent Director


Mr. Bobby Parikh holds a Bachelor's degree in Commerce from the Mumbai University and has qualified as a Chartered Accountant in 1987. Mr. Parikh is a Senior Partner with BMR & Associates LLP and leads its financial services practice. Prior to joining BMR & Associates LLP, Mr. Parikh was the Chief Executive Officer of Ernst & Young in India and held that responsibility until December 2003. Mr. Parikh worked with Arthur Andersen for over 17 years and was its Country Managing Partner, until the Andersen practice combined with that of Ernst & Young in June 2002.


Over the years, Mr. Parikh has had extensive experience in advising clients across a range of industries. India has witnessed significant deregulation and a progressive transformation of its policy framework. An area of focus for Mr. Parikh has been to work with businesses, both Indian and multinational, in interpreting the implications of the deregulation as well as the changes to India's policy framework, to help businesses better leverage opportunities that have become available and to address challenges that resulted from such changes.


Mr. Parikh has led teams that have advised clients in the areas of entry strategy (MNCs into India and Indian companies into overseas markets), business model identification, structuring a business presence, mergers, acquisitions and other business reorganizations.


Mr. Parikh works closely with regulators and policy formulators, in providing inputs to aid in the development of new regulations and policies, and in assessing the implications and efficacy of these and providing feedback for action. Mr. Parikh led the Financial Services industry practice at Arthur Andersen and then also at Ernst & Young, and has advised a number of banking groups, investment banks, brokerage houses, fund managers and other financial services intermediaries in establishing operations in India, mergers and acquisitions and in developing structured financial products, besides providing tax and business advisory and tax reporting services.


Mr. Parikh has been a member of a number of trade and business associations and their management or other committees, as well as on the advisory or executive boards of non-Governmental and not-for-profit organizations.


Mr. Parikh is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Audit Committee


Nomination and Remuneration Committee (Chairman)


Corporate Social Responsibility Committee


Credit Approval Committee


Appointment Letter - Independent Director


Mr. Anami. N. Roy is an M. A. M. Phil and is a distinguished retired civil servant. During his long career of 38 years in the Indian Police Service (IPS), Mr. Roy held with great distinction a range of assignments, including some of the most prestigious, challenging and sensitive ones, both in the state of Maharashtra and Government of India, including Commissioner of Police, Mumbai and DGP, Maharashtra before retiring in the year 2010.


Mr. Roy's areas of specialisation include policy planning, budget, recruitment, training and other finance and administration functions in addition to all operational matters.


A firm believer in technology in Police for providing solutions to a variety of complex problems or citizen facilitation and as ‘force-multiplier', Mr. Roy brought in technology in a very big way in the Police department with full co-operation and support of the entire IT Industry. Mr. Roy also held the position of Director General of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, in which capacity Mr. Roy initiated a policy document on vigilance matters for Government of Maharashtra.


Mr. Roy has wide knowledge and experience of security and intelligence matters at the state and national level.


Having handled multifarious field and staff assignments, Mr. Roy has a rich and extensive experience of functioning of the government at various levels and of problem solving.


Mr. Roy is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Audit Committee


Nomination and Remuneration Committee


Stakeholders' Relationship Committee (Chairman)


Customer Service Committee


Fraud Monitoring Committee


Appointment Letter - Independent Director


Mr. Malay Patel is a Major in Engineering (Mechanical) from Rutgers University, Livingston, NJ, USA, and an A. A.B. A. in business from Bergen County College, Fairlawn, NJ, USA. He is a director on the Board of Eewa Engineering Company Private Limited, a company in the plastics / packaging industry with exports to more than 50 countries. He has been involved in varied roles such as export / import, procurement, sales and marketing, etc in Eewa Engineering Company Private Limited. Mr. Malay Patel has special knowledge and practical experience in matters relating to small scale industries in terms of Section 10-A (2 a) of the Banking Regulation Act, 1949.


Mr. Patel is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Mr. Keki Mistry holds a Bachelor's Degree in Commerce from the Mumbai University. Mr. Mistry is a Fellow Member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India.


Mr. Mistry started his career with The Indian Hotels Company Limited, one of the largest chains of hotels in India.


In the year 1981, Mr. Mistry joined Housing Development Finance Corporation Limited (HDFC Ltd). Mr. Mistry was inducted on to the Board of Directors of HDFC Ltd as an Executive Director in the year 1993 and was elevated to the post of Managing Director in November 2000. In October 2007, Mr. Mistry was appointed as Vice Chairman & Managing Director of HDFC Ltd and became the Vice Chairman & Chief Executive Officer in January 2010.


Mr. Mistry is a member of the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Mrs. Renu Karnad is a graduate in law from the Mumbai University and also holds a Master's Degree in Economics from Delhi University. Mrs. Karnad is a Parvin Fellow-Woodrow Wilson School of International Affairs, Princeton University, U. S.A.


Mrs. Karnad joined Housing Development Finance Corporation Limited in 1978. After spending two decades in various positions, Mrs. Karnad was inducted on to the Board as Executive Director in 2000 and was further elevated to the post of Managing Director with effect from January 1, 2010.


Over the years, Mrs. Karnad has to her credit, numerous awards and accolades. Known for her wit and diplomacy, Mrs. Karnad has always had a humane approach towards solving complex issues.


Mrs. Karnad is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Stakeholders' Relationship Committee


Corporate Social Responsibility Committee (Chairperson)


Risk Policy and Monitoring Committee (Chairperson)


Premises Committee (Chairperson)


Email ID:


Mr. Aditya Puri holds a Bachelor's degree in Commerce from Punjab University and is an Associate Member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India.


Prior to joining the Bank, Mr. Puri was the Chief Executive Officer of Citibank, Malaysia from 1992 to 1994.


Mr. Puri has been the Managing Director of the Bank since September 1994. Mr. Puri has nearly 40 years of experience in the banking sector in India and abroad.


Mr. Puri has provided outstanding leadership as the Managing Director and has contributed significantly to enable the Bank scale phenomenal heights under his stewardship. The numerous awards won by Mr. Puri and the Bank are a testimony to the tremendous credibility that Mr. Puri has built for himself and the Bank over the years.


The Bank has made good and consistent progress on key parameters like balance sheet size, total deposits, net revenues, earnings per share and net profit during Mr. Puri's tenure.


The rankings achieved by the Bank amongst all Indian banks with regard to market capitalization, profit after tax and balance sheet size remain amongst the top 10.


During his tenure Mr. Puri has led the Bank through two major mergers in the Indian banking industry i. e. merger of Times Bank Limited and Centurion Bank of Punjab Limited with HDFC Bank Limited. The subsequent integrations have been smooth and seamless under his inspired leadership. Mr. Puri continues to be the Managing Director of the Bank.


Mr. Puri is a member of the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Stakeholders' Relationship Committee


Corporate Social Responsibility Committee


Risk Policy and Monitoring Committee


Credit Approval Committee


Customer Service Committee


Fraud Monitoring Committee


Premises Committee


Email ID:


Mr. Paresh Sukthankar completed his graduation from Sydenham College, Mumbai and holds a Bachelor of Commerce (B. Com) degree from University of Mumbai. He has done his Masters in Management Studies (MMS) from Jamnalal Bajaj Institute (Mumbai). Mr. Sukthankar has also completed the Advanced Management Program (AMP) from the Harvard Business School.


Mr. Sukthankar has been associated with the Bank since its inception in 1994 and has rich experience in areas such as Risk Management, Finance, Human Resources, Investor Relations, and Corporate Communications etc.


Prior to joining the Bank, Mr. Sukthankar worked in Citibank for around 9 years, in various departments including corporate banking, risk management, financial control and credit administration. Mr. Sukthankar has been a member of various Committees formed by Reserve Bank of India and Indian Banks' Association. At present, Mr. Sukthankar is the Deputy Managing Director of the Bank.


Mr. Sukthankar is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Corporate Social Responsibility Committee


Stakeholders' Relationship Committee


Risk Policy and Monitoring Committee


Email ID:


Mr. Kaizad Bharucha holds a Bachelor of Commerce degree from University of Mumbai. He has been associated with the Bank since 1995. In his current position as Executive Director, he is responsible for Wholesale Banking covering areas of Corporate Banking, Emerging Corporate Group, Business Banking, Capital Markets & Commodities Business, Agri Lending, Investment Banking, Financial Institutions & Government Business and Department for Special Operations.


In his previous position as Group Head - Credit & Market Risk, he was responsible for the Risk Management activities in the Bank viz. Credit Risk, Market Risk, Debt Management, Risk Intelligence and Control functions.


Mr. Bharucha has been a career banker with over 28 years of banking experience. Prior to joining the Bank, he worked in SBI Commercial and International Bank in various areas including Trade Finance and Corporate Banking.


He has represented HDFC Bank as a member of the working group constituted by the Reserve Bank of India to examine the role of Credit Information Bureau and on the sub-committee with regard to adoption of the Basel II guidelines.


Mr. Bharucha is a member on the following Committees of the Board of the Bank:


Mr. Umesh Chandra Sarangi has been appointed as an Additional Director on the Board of the Bank with effect from 1st March, 2016, to hold office till the ensuing Annual General Meeting of the Bank.


Mr. Sarangi holds a Master's degree in Science (Botany) from Utkal University (gold medallist).


Mr. Sarangi has 35 years of experience in Indian Administrative Service and brought in significant reforms in modernizing of agriculture, focus on agro processing and export. As the erstwhile Chairman of National Bank for Agricultural and Rural Development (NABARD) from December 2007 to December 2010, Mr. Sarangi focused on rural infrastructure, accelerated initiatives such as microfinance, financial inclusion, watershed development and tribal development.


Mr. Sarangi has been appointed as a Director having specialized knowledge and experience in agriculture and rural economy pursuant to Section 10-A (2)(a) of the Banking Regulation Act, 1949.


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No throw back to 1991 crisis: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh


File picture of Manmohan Singh


New Delhi: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh today ruled out the possibility of India witnessing a repeat of the 1991 balance of payments crisis and also reversing the path to globalisation of the economy.


"There is no question of going back to1991 (balance of payment crisis). At that time foreign exchange in India was a fixed rate. Now it is linked to market. We only correct the volatility of the rupee," he told PTI.


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In 1991, Dr Singh said, the country had only foreign exchange reserves for 15 days. "Now we have reserves of six to seven months. So there is no comparison."


Against the backdrop of the high Current Account Deficit (CAD), the Prime Minister was asked about fears in some quarters that the country may be witnessing a throw back to 1991 crisis when gold was pledged and the country was forced to adopt a reforms programme that put it on the path of globalisation of economy.


He was speaking after release of the fourth volume of RBI history titled "RBI History-Looking Back and Looking Ahead" at a small function at his Race Course residence.


When asked that the Current Account Deficit was still high, Dr Singh acknowledged the problem saying high imports of gold was one of the major factors contributing to it.


"We seem to be investing a lot in unproductive assets," he added.


Story first published: Aug 17, 2013 12:50 IST


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Silver plates in the form of Indian rupee notes at a showroom in New Delhi. Some analysts predict that the currency may even hit 70 against the dollar in a matter of weeks. & Mdash; Reuters


The partially-convertible rupee tumbled 2.3 per cent on Monday, its biggest single-day fall since September 22, 2011, leaving non-resident Indians in the Gulf in a quandary — whether to transfer their money now or wait for further exchange rate gains.


Most money exchange houses in the UAE reported only normal remittance business as uncertainty persisted about a further decline in rupee value with some analysts even predicting that the relentless decline could even hit 70 against the dollar in weeks.


While efforts to prop up the rupee, which has tumbled more than 12 per cent against the dollar this year, have thus far proved ineffective, bond yields surged to five-year highs threatening to drive the Asia’s third-largest economy towards a full-blown crisis.


Currency analysts believe the rupee could overshoot to 64 to 65 to the dollar in the next few months and then could come back provided the recent measures by the RBI — including tightening of rules on how much citizens and companies can invest abroad, and curbing gold imports — prove effective while other key initiatives such as the opening up of foreign direct investments and trimming of fiscal and current account deficits succeed.


Currency dealers said persistent dollar demand by banks and oil refiners contributed to the rupee’s latest fall. They expect further dollar selling by the RBI as well as other measures to support the currency.


World Bank chief economist Kaushik Basu, describing the country’s problems were “overplayed,” said India was not in danger of a full-blown economic crisis. India is nowhere near the 1991 crisis when India had to seek a bailout from the International Monetary Fund in what was considered a national humiliation, he said. “The gloom is being overplayed.”


Analysts believe that apart from deteriorating economic troubles at home, an exodus of foreign investors on concerns over a possible scale back in quantitative easing by the US had aggravated the currency’s woes.


The government is struggling to reduce its current account deficit, which currently stands at 4.8 percent of gross domestic product, or GDP, while attempts to push through structural reforms by relaxing restrictions on foreign direct investment have seen little progress.


Net outflows from Indian bonds and stocks total $11.4 billion since late May. Still, India has reserves to cover about seven months of imports, compared with just three weeks in 1991.


India’s bond market has borne the brunt of the outflows, with foreigners taking out around $10 billion since May 22.


The benchmark 10-year bond yield surged 35 basis points on the day, to 9.23 per cent.


Equity markets have remained relatively insulated with outflows from the cash market at less than $100 million on Friday, when the main stock benchmark fell about four per cent, the most in nearly two years. Heightened selling in equities could exacerbate the rupee’s fall, dealers said.


Meanwhile, Mumbai’s main stock index fell 1.6 per cent on Monday.


The yield on India’s 10-year benchmark government bond climbed as high as 9.26 per cent, its highest since August 1, 2008, before the Lehman Brothers collapse.


Many economists believe the RBI’s liquidity tightening will stay in place longer than initially expected, and many have cut their economic growth forecasts for the current fiscal year.


However, amid this worsening scenario, there are many optimists who still believe in the Indian growth story.


They expect the economy to pick up pace in the coming years as it is on track to cut deficit to around three per cent of GDP by 2016.


The country is also on target to register a growth of six per cent in 2013-14 and in the next year it will go up to seven per cent.


India, which is among the three large economies that are able to record above five per cent growth amid a gloomy global scenario, is also all set to emerge as the fifth world economic power by 2020-25.


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Reforms Right and Left: The Indian Economy Since the Crisis of 1991


Reforms Right and Left: The Indian Economy Since the Crisis of 1991


March 16, 2005 LawrenceHecht


Before the presentation, I challenged several of the people sitting around the table that Paul Wolfowitz might not be a bad choice for the World Bank presidency. I got a series of responses that reminded me that the New School had been the last bastion of legitimate Communist Economics. And then the lecture began:


J. Mohan Rao of the University of Massachusetts at Amherst led a workshop at the New School’s Bernard Schwartz Center for Economic Policy Analysis. These are my observations based on what I heard:


Professor Rao evaluated the impact of India’s economic reforms by comparing economic growth in the 80’s and the 90’s. Since 1980, the Indian economy has had 5-year economic cycles steadily grown and average growth of 5.7%. While growth rates were similar in the 80’s and 90’s, the growth in the 80’s was unsustainably fueled by government debt spending and financial controls. However, the 90’s might have created social inequities.


A government financial crisis in 1991 led to a series of reforms that dealt with openness of finance, foreign trade, and domestic policies. The reforms aimed at globalization, but may not have directly affected external integration. Many of the reforms that were prescribed are similar to those promoted by the IMF and World Bank, and that have been called the American Consensus. The reforms included:


Reducing non-tariff barriers


Broadening export incentives


Reducing tariffs by 80%


Reducing barriers to foreign direct investment


Devaluation of the exchange rate


De-licensing the private sector


Taking away set-aside sectors for small companies and the public sector


The effectiveness of the reforms was questioned at the workshop. One failure is the social inequity that the reforms MIGHT have caused. The middle class and college educated have benefited, but not everyone. In fact, the manufacturing sector stagnated and agricultural output fell in the last 15 years. That’s significant because 60% of the population is involved in agriculture. Personally, I wish there was stronger, quantitative evidence that the poor’s standard of living declined because of Neo-liberal economic policies.


Another problem with the reforms was that the 80% drop in tariffs was followed by a dramatic drop in government revenues. Public capital was 5.6% of GDP in 1991, but 2.6% of GDP in 2000. This had dramatic ramifications throughout Indian society. Reduced funding limited the government’s ability to regulate. Maybe India wouldn’t face periodic brown-outs if the government had more money to invest in its national infrastructure.


Interesting fact: In the last 14 years, the India’s foreign trade grew from 14% to 26% based on a Trade/GDP ratio. As a comparison, the U. S.’s ratio is 16% and China’s is about 31%.


Between 1991 and the present, Indian IT and IT-enabled Services (i. e. call-centers) were the only sectors that grew dramatically faster than the rest of the economy. Coupled with a world-class higher education system, this has lead many people to think that India can “leapfrog” stages of development into a “knowledge economy”. However, this might not be the best approach. The IT companies compete globally and don’t necessarily have strong links to the rest of the domestic economy. Would a traditional development strategy that focused on industrial jobs have been a better approach?


The Congress Party recently unseated the BJP government because of most people hadn’t benefited from globalization and the economic reforms. Like Lula’s government in Brazil, the Left’s coalition hasn’t made drastic policy changes, but they may want to consider these two policy recommendations:


Increase income taxes. This will make the rising middle class pay for needed government services.


Invest in infrastructure projects. China is far ahead of India in this area.


What are forex reserves?


Foreign exchange reserves (Forex reserves) are generally defined as assets held by RBI which is denominated in other foreign currencies.


Forex reserves include foreign currency assets, gold, special drawing rights (SDR) and reserve position in IMF.


Foreign currency assets are investments in foreign bonds, Tbills, deposits with foreign central banks etc.


It is maintained in major currencies like US dollar, Euro, Pound sterling, Japanese Yen etc and valued in terms of US dollar.


It accounts for around 89% of total forex reserves.


Gold reserves are passively managed by RBI and accounts for around 9% of total reserves.


SDR is international reserve created by IMF which is allocated as per the member country’s quota at IMF.


Reserve position in IMF is a reserve where India can draw upon to purchase other foreign currencies from the fund.


Generally, preferred level of forex reserves is that a country’s reserves should equal short-term external debt so that a country has enough reserves to resist a massive withdrawal of short term foreign capital1.


RBI publishes data on forex reserves every week (on Friday).


Why maintain forex reserves?


To enhance capacity to intervene in foreign currency market.


To limit external vulnerability by proving foreign currency liquidity to help absorb shocks during times of crisis including national disasters or emergencies.


For backing domestic currency.


To maintain confidence in monetary and exchange rate policies.


To provide confidence to the markets especially international credit rating agencies that external obligations can always be met, thus reducing the overall costs at which foreign exchange resources are available to all the market participants.


Trend in Forex Reserves


Chart below shows the movement in composition of India’s forex reserves from 1991 to 2013.


From the above chart, we can observe that India’s forex reserve has changed over the years.


1991, gold contributed to around 60% of the total forex reserves while foreign currency assets share was around 38%.


This has drastically changed over the years with gold share dropping to around 9% and foreign currency assets share increasing to around 89% in 2013.


Chart below shows trend in forex reserves from 1991 till 2013.


From the above chart, it’s seen that India’s forex reserves have increased significantly since 1991.


The level of forex reserves has steadily increased from US $ 5.8bn in 1991 to US $ 292bn in 2013.


Two factors responsible for significant addition to forex reserves over the years can be attributed to lower level of current account deficit and high capital inflows2.


However lately, the high current account deficit has resulted in decrease of forex reserves.


For week ended August 2nd, forex reserves stand at US $ 277.17bn.


Chart and table below shows forex reserves break up as on 31st March 2013.


What is the Appropriate Level of Forex Reserves?


The foreign exchange reserves include three items; gold, SDRs and foreign currency assets. As of November, 2002 India has over US $ 65 billion of total reserves, foreign currency assets account the major share. Gold accounts for about US $ 3 billion. In July 1991, as a part of reserve management policy, and as a means of raising resources, the RBI temporarily pledged gold to raise loans. The gold holdings, thus have played a crucial role of reserve management at a time of external crisis. Since then, Gold has played passive role in reserve management.


The level of foreign exchange reserves has steadily increased from US$ 5.8 billion as at end-March, 1991 to US$ 54.1 billion as at end-March 2002 and further to US$ 65 billion as of November, 2002. The traditional measure of trade based indicator of reserve adequacy, i. e. the import cover (defined as the twelve times the ratio of reserves to merchandise imports ) which shrank to 3 weeks of imports by the end of December 1990, has improved to about 11.5 months as at end-March 2002.


The debt-based indicators of reserve adequacy show remarkable improvement in the 1990s. The proportion of short term debt (i. e. debt obligations with an original maturity up to one year) to foreign exchange reserves has substantially declined from 147 per cent as at end-March 1991 to 8 per cent as at end-March 2001. i. e. most of the foreign exchange reserves that we have right now have a repayment obligation that exceeds three years - which reflects a higher quality of reserves.


Cost and Benefits of Holding Forex


The direct financial cost of holding reserves is the difference between interest paid on external debt and returns on external assets in reserves. Es decir. let us say India has borrowed USD 20 billion @ 5% p. a. rate of interest and has reserves of USD 40 bn which is kept in the equivalent of savings account at 3% p. a rate of interest. Then the managers at RBI have the option of either repaying the USD 20 bn loan on which they pay 5% while earning only 3% on the same thereby saving on net interest outflow or continue paying 5% on the loan and get only 3% for their investment for sake of holding reserves.


Such costs have to be treated as insurance premium to assure and maintain confidence in the availability of liquidity. The costs of comfort level in reserves are often met by some benefits, but both are difficult to measure, in financial or economic, and in quantitative terms.


What is convertibility?


Convertibility can be related as the extent to which a country's regulations allow free flow of money into and outside the country.


For instance, in the case of India till 1990, one had to get permission from the Government or RBI as the case may be to procure foreign currency, say US Dollars, for any purpose. Be it import of raw material, travel abroad, procuring books or paying fees for a ward who pursues higher studies abroad. Similarly, any exporter who exports goods or services and brings foreign currency into the country has to surrender the foreign exchange to RBI and get it converted at a rate pre-determined by RBI.


After liberalization began in 1991, the government eased the movement of foreign currency on trade account. Es decir. exporters and importers were allowed to buy and sell foreign currency, as long as the items that they are exporting and importing were not in the banned list. They need not get permission on a CASE TO CASE basis as was prevalent in the earlier regime. This was the first concrete step the economy took towards making our currency convertible on trade account.


In the next two to three years, government liberalized the flow of foreign exchange to include items like amount of foreign currency that can be procured for purposes like travel abroad, studying abroad, engaging the services of foreign consultants etc. This set the first step towards getting our currency convertible on the current account. What it means is that people are allowed to have access to foreign currency for buying a whole range of consumable products and services. These relaxations coincided with the liberalization on the industry and commerce front - which is why we have Honda City cars, Mars chocolate bars and Bacardi in India.


There was also simultaneous relaxation on the restriction on the funds that foreign investors can bring into India to invest in companies and the stock market in the country. This step led to partial convertibility on the Capital Account.


"Capital Account convertibility in its entirety would mean that any individual, be it Indian or foreigner will be allowed to bring in any amount of foreign currency into the country and take any amount of foreign currency out of the country without any restriction."


Indian companies were allowed to raise funds by way of equities (shares) or debts. The fancy terms like Global Depository Receipts (GDRs), Euro Convertible Bonds (ECBs), Foreign currency syndicated loans became household jargons of Indian investors. Listing in Nasdaq or NYSE became new found status symbols for Indian companies. However, Indian companies or individuals still had to get permission on a case to case basis for investing abroad.


In 2000, the forex policy was further relaxed that allowed companies to acquire other companies abroad without having to go through the rigmarole of getting permission on a case to case basis. Further, Indian debt based mutual funds were also allowed to invest in AAA rated government /corporate bonds abroad. This got further relaxed with Indians being allowed to hold a portion of their foreign exchange earnings as foreign currency, subject to a limit in the recent monetary policy in October 2002.


In general, restrictions on foreign currency movements are placed by developing countries which have faced foreign exchange problems in the past is to avoid sudden erosion of their foreign exchange reserves which are essential to maintain stability of trade balance and stability in their economy. With India's forex reserves increasing steadily, it has slowly and steadily removed restrictions on movement of capital on many counts.


The last few steps as and when they happen will allow an individual to invest in Microsoft or Intel shares that are traded on Nasdaq or buy a beach resort on Bahamas without any restrictions.


enlaces rápidos


Washington DC, Sept 5 (IANS Interview) Excessive self-criticism is sending wrong signals to foreign investors and the current economic scenario in India is not comparable with the 1991 crisis when the country was forced to pledge its gold to pay import bills, an Indian-American money manager has said.


"I don't think India is going through the 1991 like crisis. That situation was different. It's not comparable," said Natwar Gandhi, 72, chief financial officer of Washington DC, who is credited with the fiscal turnaround of the US capital from near bankruptcy in 2000 to a surplus budget today.


"Foreign investors are withdrawing money not because something has suddenly gone wrong with the Indian economy. This is more to do with the US central bank's move," the Gujarat-born Gandhi, on a visit here for sharing his experience on urban governance, told IANS in an exclusive interview.


An alumnus of the Louisiana State University, Gandhi was alluding to the US Federal Reserve's hints at easing the fiscal stimulus that has been in force since 2008 to ward off the economic crisis, which experts say have hit currency markets in a host of countries, including India.


Foreign funds have pulled out over $12 billion from Indian debt and equities markets since the US Federal Reserve hinted at tapering stimulus in late May. This has led to almost 20 percent slump in the value of Indian currency against US dollar and a sharp drop in stock markets.


Gandhi said the huge pulling out of money by foreign funds from the Indian markets was linked largely to the US Federal Reserve's comments.


He said excessive self-criticism and political compulsions were adding to the volatility in the currency markets. "There are problems, but I see a great deal of self-criticism. Excessive self-criticism sends wrong signal to the foreign investors," él dijo.


Gandhi said India is passing through very difficult economic situation, even though the condition is not as critical as it was in 1990s.


In 1991, India was forced to pledge its gold in order to pay its bills as the country's foreign exchange reserve had fallen to $3 billion, not enough even to cover three weeks of imports. Today, the foreign exchange reserve is nearly $280 billion that can cover seven months of imports. Besides, the central bank has more tools to manage volatility in the currency markets.


Gandhi pointed out the 1991 crisis had acted as a trigger for economic liberalisation, and the Indian government must take similar bold reform measures to emerge stronger out of the crisis.


"You have to liberalise more. This is the only long lasting solution to these kind of economic problems," él dijo.


As chief financial officer of the District of Columbia, in which Washington falls, Gandhi is responsible for the city's finances, including its nearly $7 billion in annual operating and capital funds. He has built on the city's financial progress by securing multiple rating upgrades from the major rating agencies for its general obligation bonds.


He said implementation is a major problem in India and it is a big drag on the country's economic performance.


"I understand that the government has political compulsions. But they must act. They must have a bold vision," Gandhi told IANS.


On opening up of India's retail sector for foreign investment, Gandhi said resistance to the move was natural given its impact on a large number of small traders.


"In Washington, there has been substantial resistance against Walmart. It is facing similar resistance in other cities of the United States. No wonder, similar resistance is going on in India as well," él dijo.


However, he emphasised that opening up of retail sector was good for consumers in India and the economy and the government must implement the decision and encourage foreign supermarket operators to set up shops.


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India not going back to 1991 crisis - PM


Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said India will not be experiencing a replay of the 1991 economic crisis. The Economic Times website published a Press Trust of India report where Singh said, "There is no question of going back to 1991." The Prime Minister referred to the crisis brought about by the balance of payments that year. At that time, India had to pledge its gold to settle its bills. Then, India also only had enough reserves to pay for three weeks of imports. The crisis prompted the country to open up its economy as part of its reform measures.


Singh cited two reasons why India will not be doing a repeat of 1991 despite the slowest growth it has experienced in a decade. The first was that its currency was now connected to the market. "At that time foreign exchange in India was a fixed rate. Now it is linked to market. We only correct the volatility of the rupee," he explained. The second reason was that India has enough foreign exchange reserves.


The Prime Minister, however, acknowledged that increased investments of "unproductive assets" like gold had contributed to the country's increasing current account deficit.


Economic and Political Weekly


Coverage: 1966-2010 (Vol. 1, No. 1 - Vol. 45, No. 52)


The "moving wall" represents the time period between the last issue available in JSTOR and the most recently published issue of a journal. Moving walls are generally represented in years. In rare instances, a publisher has elected to have a "zero" moving wall, so their current issues are available in JSTOR shortly after publication. Note: In calculating the moving wall, the current year is not counted. For example, if the current year is 2008 and a journal has a 5 year moving wall, articles from the year 2002 are available.


Terms Related to the Moving Wall Fixed walls: Journals with no new volumes being added to the archive. Absorbed: Journals that are combined with another title. Complete: Journals that are no longer published or that have been combined with another title.


Subjects: Business & Economics, Asian Studies, Political Science, Economics, Social Sciences, Area Studies


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Abstracto


The management of the capital account in India's balance of payments has assumed importance in recent years because of the economy's increasing integration into the global financial system. Systematic studies focused on the capital account have not been forthcoming and the current study is an attempt in this direction. A moderate sized simultaneous equation model, encompassing major constituents of the capital account, as well as other macroeconomic sectors, is estimated using annual data over the period 1970-71 to 1998-99. The model is then used to conduct several contrafactual simulations, embracing alternative scenarios. The two major factors impinging on the Indian capital account are changes in world income and in non-interest domestic government expenditure. Monetary measures such as CRR or bank rate changes seem to have limited implications for the capital account as does a proactive policy of real exchange-rate targeting.


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The Pros and Cons of a Fully Convertible Rupee


The Indian currency, the rupee (INR ), is not yet fully convertible. However, there are talks of making it fully convertible and setting up an onshore INR market. There are many advantages and disadvantages associated with rupee convertibility, which have led to a long continuous debate over the last two decades since reforms were first introduced during the early 1990s. Both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank expect that India will overtake China to become the world's fastest-growing major economy this year, with a bigger gap in 2016. But is India ready to move to the fully convertible currency, or do the challenges persist? (For more, see: India Is Eclipsing China's Economy As Brightest BRIC Star .)


We look at the current state of Indian markets within the existing partial rupee convertibility scenario, what this could mean for India and the world and the pros and cons of rupee convertibility.


Currency Convertibility and the State of Indian Currency


Convertibility is the ease with which a country's currency can be converted into gold or another currency. It indicates the extent to which the regulations allow inflow and outflow of capital to and from the country.


Until the early 1990s (pre-reform period), anyone willing to transact in a foreign currency would need permission from the Reserve Bank of India (RBI ), regardless of the purpose. People wanting to engage in foreign travel, foreign studies, the purchase of imported goods or to get cash for foreign currencies received (like with exports) were all required to go through RBI. All such forex exchanges occurred at pre-determined forex rates finalized by the RBI.


After liberal economic reforms were introduced in 1991, many significant developments occurred that impacted the way forex transactions and businesses were conducted. Exporters and importers were allowed to exchange foreign currencies for the trade of unbanned goods and services, there was easy access to forex for studying or travel abroad and a relaxation on foreign business and investments with minimal (or no) restrictions depending on the industry sectors.


However, Indians still require regulatory approvals if they want to invest an amount above a pre-determined threshold level for the purpose of investments or purchasing assets overseas. Similarly, incoming foreign investments in certain sectors (like insurance or retail ) are capped at a specific percentage and require regulatory approvals for higher limits.


As of today, the Indian rupee is partly convertible, which means that although there is a lot of freedom to exchange local and foreign currency at market rates, a few important restrictions remain for higher amounts and these still need approvals. The regulators also pitch in from time-to-time to keep the exchange rates within permissible limits, instead of keeping INR as a completely free-floating currency left to the market dynamics. In the case of extreme volatility in rupee exchange rates, the RBI swings into action by purchasing/selling U. S. dollars (kept as foreign reserve) to stabilize the rupee.


Full convertibility will mean the rupee exchange rate would be left to market factors, without any regulatory intervention. There may be no limit on inflow or outflow of capital for various purposes (including investments, remittances or asset purchase/sale).


Current Account vs. Capital Account Convertibility


Any currency may be current account or capital account convertible or both.


Current account convertibility implies that the Indian rupee can be converted to any foreign currency at existing market rates for trade purposes for any amount. It allows easy financial transactions for the export and import of goods and services. Any individual involved in trade can get foreign currency converted at designated banks or dealers. In essence, current account convertibility remains within the trading realms. In the beginning of reforms, the rupee was made partially convertible for goods, services and merchandise only. During mid-1990s, the rupee was made fully convertible for current account for all trading activities, remittances and indivisibles.


However, the rupee continues to remain capital account non-convertible.


Capital account convertibility allows freedom to convert local financial assets into foreign financial assets and vice-versa. It includes easy and unrestricted flow of capital for all purposes which may include free movement of investment capital, dividend payments, interest payments, foreign direct investments in domestic projects and businesses, trading of overseas equities by local citizens and domestic equities by foreigners, foreign remittances and the sale/purchase of immovable property globally. As of today, one can still bring in foreign capital or take out local money for these purposes, but there are ceilings imposed by the government that need approvals.


Ventajas


Sign of stable and mature markets: Regulators like to keep control on their territories. Free and open entry to an enormous number of global market participants would increase the risk of losing regulatory control due to large market size and huge flow of capital. Opening up to fully convertible currency is a solid sign that a country and its markets are stable and mature enough to handle free and unrestricted movement of the capital, which attracts investments making the economy better.


Increased liquidity in financial markets: Full capital account convertibility opens up the country’s markets to global players, including investors, businesses and trade partners. This allows easy access to capital for different businesses and sectors, positively impacting a nation’s economy.


Improved employment and business opportunities: With increased participation from global players, new businesses, strategic partnerships and direct investments flourish. It also helps in creating new employment opportunities across various industry sectors, as well as nurturing entrepreneurship for new businesses.


Onshore rupee market development: The growing international interest in the Indian rupee is evident from the development of offshore rupee markets in locations like Dubai, London, New York and Singapore. This can be seen “from the rise in the average daily foreign exchange market turnover from $16 billion in 2005-06 to nearly $55 billion in 2014-15 so far,” according to the Business Standard. However, due to existence of capital controls in local Indian markets, the offshore centers are gaining the trading business. Making the rupee fully convertible will enable these trades to happen in India, helping national markets with improved liquidity, better regulatory purview and reduced dependence and risks from offshore market participants.


Easy access to foreign capital: Local businesses can benefit from easy access to foreign loans at comparatively lower costs (low interest rates ). Indian companies currently have to take the ADR /GDR route to list in foreign exchanges. After full convertibility, they will be able to directly raise equity capital from overseas markets.


Better access to a variety of goods and services: Amid current restrictions, one does not see much variety in India for foreign goods and services. Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. (WMT ) and Tesco stores aren’t that common, although a handful exist in partnership with local retail chains. Full convertibility will open doors for all global players to the Indian market, making it more competitive and better for consumers and the economy alike.


Progress in multiple industry sectors . Sectors like insurance, fertilizers, retail, etc. have restrictions on foreign direct investments. Full convertibility will open the doors of many big international players to invest in these sectors, enabling much-needed reforms and bringing variety to the Indian masses.


Outward investments . Fancy buying a house on the coast of Florida or buying a million-dollar yacht in London? At present, any Indian individual or business would need permission from authorities to do so. After full convertibility, there will be no limits on the amounts exchanged and no need for approvals.


Improved financial system . The Tarapore committee, which was tasked with assessing the full convertibility of the rupee, has noted these benefits after full rupee convertibility, including:


Indian businesses will be able to issue foreign currency-denominated debt to local Indian investors.


Indian businesses will be able to hold foreign currency deposits in local Indian banks for capital requirements.


Indian banks will be able to borrow/lend to foreign banks in foreign currencies.


Easy options to buy/sell gold freely and offer gold-based deposits and loans with higher (or even uncapped) limits.


desventajas


High volatility . Amid a lack of suitable regulatory control and rates subject to open markets with large number of global market participants, high levels of volatility. devaluation or inflation in forex rates may happen, challenging the country’s economy.


Foreign debt burden . Businesses can easily raise foreign debt. but they are prone to the risk of high repayments if exchange rates become unfavorable. Imagine an Indian business taking a U. S. dollar loan at a rate of 4%, compared to one available in India at 7%. However, if the U. S. dollar appreciates against Indian rupee, more rupees will be needed to get same number of dollars, making the repayment costly.


Affects balance of trade, and exports . A rising unregulated rupee makes Indian exports less competitive in the international markets. Export-oriented economies like India and China prefer to keep their exchanges rates lower to retain the low-cost advantage. Once the regulations on exchange rates go away, India risks losing its competitiveness in the international market. (For more, see: The Reasons Why China Buys U. S. Treasury Bonds .)


Lack of fundamentals: Full capital account convertibility has worked well in well-regulated nations that have a robust infrastructure in place. India’s basic challenges—high dependence on exports, burgeoning population, corruption, socio-economic complexities and challenges of bureaucracy—may lead to economic setbacks post-full rupee convertibility.


Is India Ready?


India is expected to become a truly global economy in near future, and it will need a fuller integration into the world economic system. Making the rupee fully convertible is an expected step in that direction.


How soon can India move on this depends on many conditions being met, including low levels of non-performing assets (NPA ), fiscal consolidation, optimum levels of forex reserves, control on inflation. manageable current account deficit (CAD ), robust infrastructure for regulating financial markets and efficient monitoring of financial organizations and businesses.


La línea de fondo


Despite economic progress being made by India on many fronts, there have been regular challenges at global and local levels, including the global financial crisis of 2008-09, a lack of inflation control and rising NPAs, which have delayed full rupee convertibility. It may take another three-to-five years for India to fully prepare itself for full rupee convertibility.


Learn what CUSIP numbers are and how they are used to classify securities, such as mutual funds, registered in the U. S. and. Read Answer >>


Find out the role of the Reserve Bank of India, or RBI, and the amount of authority given to the government. Learn who is. Read Answer >>


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Highly liquid assets held by financial institutions in order to meet short-term obligations. The Liquidity coverage ratio.


The competitive advantage that one company has over other companies in the same industry. This term was coined by renowned.


A tax credit in the United States which benefits certain taxpayers who have low incomes from work in a particular tax year.


A tax calculation that adds certain tax preference items back into adjusted gross income. Alternative minimum tax (AMT) uses.


The expiration date of various stock index futures, stock index options, stock options and single stock futures. All stock.


The rate of return on a real estate investment property based on the income that the property is expected to generate.


The Indian rupee opened weaker at 55.70levels against the dollar. Yesterday rupee closed at 55.62 levels posting slight gain and continued its range-bound trading ahead of economic growth data on Friday.


The Asian peers are trading mixed as reports on Japanese retail sales and South Korean business confidence add to signs of an economic slowdown. The Investors expecting Bernanke to announce QE3 might be disappointed further leading to some sell-off in risky assets.


The Moody’s Analytics expects that the Indian GDP growth during the April-June quarter at 5.2% and the economy will continue to perform below potential for the entire year. On the other side, the world’s biggest economy continued to expand gradually in July and early August as improving housing and retail sales helped outweigh a weakness in manufacturing.


The global markets might remain range bound for weeks beyond Jackson Hole and the ECB meeting, with key events lined up that could clarify the timing of any further easing by the Fed and the roadmap ahead for the Euro zone's crisis. The report on Greece by its international lenders is due by early October which will determine whether Athens will get next bailout or not will also be keenly tracked by the market players.


The US 10 year treasury yield is trading slight higher at 1.64% on account of positive GDP figures. The Indian 10 year bonds snapped a three-day rally as investors turned cautious and booked profits ahead of economic growth data due on Friday. The benchmark 10-year bond yield rose 1 bps to 8.18%. The Reserve Bank of India Governor said on Tuesday inflation remained too high and needs to fall further or risk more damage to the economy would hurt the expectation of rate cut in bond market making the yield to move higher.


The Indian Rupee had made a record low of 57.32 levels against the US dollar. The huge dollar demand in the local market and risk aversion sentiment across the global markets have boosted demand for the US Dollar in recent time.


The US economy is expected to grow just a little over 2% in 2012. Its outstanding public debt currently is just slightly above 100% of GDP. In comparison, India’s GDP is expected to grow by around 6-6.5 percent, while its public debt - to-GDP ratio was a far lower 66 percent in 2010-2011, still due to its reserve currency status money finds its course in US. The US 10 year treasuries just score a yield of just over 1.6%. On account of uncertainties over deepening Euro zone crisis, investors are dumping emerging markets assets like India. China. Brazil, Russia etc in favour of safe havens like the dollar.


The recent halt in rupee weakness last week was mainly on account of the dollar weakness in the international markets on optimism of Greece elections and FOMC minutes where further QE was expected. The RBI kept the interest rate unchanged against the market expectation and FED extended the operation twist by year end which made rupee weakening in a ruthless manner. Nothing much has changed in the last few months, India’s high current account deficit, the high fiscal deficit, slowing economy; rising inflation are factors that are hurting the local economy growth. The GDP figures slipping down to 5.3% for the first three months of 2012, has made the rating agency question the India Shining Story. which ultimately led them downgrade Indian Economy outlook from stable to negative.


The recent warning given by S&P to revise the India’s investment grade to junk could become a possibility in the near term if similar situation prevails. If that happens there would be a spike of International Lending rates in Indiamaking life of institutions and corporate miserable in long term. The Indian Corporate’s arealready seen struggling with their FCCB’s redemptions by December 2012. The bulk of them will probably have to be redeemed. According to the data available more than USD 5 billion is due for redemption or conversion by the year end. Only the top names are expected to be in a position to redeem their FCCB.


The rupee depreciation from 44 levels to 57 levels and trembling stock prices has created a havoc and may lead to some corporate defaults or takeovers in the coming times. The rating agency Standard & Poor’s has also said in its latest report that as many as half of the 48 companies with Foreign Currency Convertible Bonds (FCCBs) maturing in the rest of 2012 may default. The option of refinancing would obviously be very high in most of the cases. ECB and trade finance debt servicing will also become a serious issue in 2012.


The RBI is not seen intervening in the market as of now and we don’t expect them to intervene heavily. The Forex reserve is seen declining from USD 300 billion to USD 285 billion. Any further intervention will suck the liquidity from the market which would be disturbing the supply of money which is running short by around 70000 crore. Moreover, we just have a 6 months import cover which is very limited in the current global scenario. As far as the intervention is concerned, it is possible that the government is letting the currency take its fair value since the cost of intervention is extremely high and a weaker rupee may discourage imports and encourage exports and may also improve trade gap which is currently around USD 180 billion currently.


The rupee depreciation seems to be extremely rejoicing moment for the exporters but not for all. The depreciating rupee has increased the cost of goods for the international buyers which have been closely watching the currency movements and asking for discounts for old orders and renegotiating prices for new orders. The rupee weakness and the on-going Euro crisis have also resulted in declining export figures not helping the trade deficit much. Gold imports has reduced in the last few months on increased import duty but has not made much difference. The declining crude prices and efforts of the government to reduce imports by imposing various duties on heavy equipments would help in the long run. but in recent times there are other global factors, like huge risk aversion which is leading to the mayhem.


The Euro zone economic growth is flat and is expected to slow down further as countries fromGreece to Spain to Italy and France are facing stagnant growth and huge debt liabilities. The fire created by the developed nations will keep the emerging market burning and hitting their growth numbers like we have witnessed in India China and Brazil.


The only way the government can save the crisis in rupee is to attract flows as much as possible which is permanent in nature. They need to immediately solve the credibility issue that the government is facing. They need to be proactive on issues like fiscal and trade deficit issues to attract consistent and bigger flows. The uncertainties over tax also needed to be addressed to attract the FDI in the country. According to the data released the FDI has declined by 41% to USD 1.85 billion in April. The Indian economy is going through its worst face since 1991 with slowing growth and currency weakening. The government is seen unable to tackle the situation with its pace of reforms. It is very crucial for them to revive the economy otherwise the day would not be farthat Indian rating would be downgraded to junk status. We are still bearish on rupee as per the reason discussed above and target it further to 58 levels, with dollar bull run still continuing for the rest of 2012.


( The above article was published in Economictimes. com)


The rupee started depreciating from August 2011 when it was around 46 levels. The poor macroeconomic fundamentals, rising fiscal deficit and current account deficit, which is highest among the Asian countries are the major factors responsible for the havoc created in the local currency market. The government estimated the fiscal deficit to be around 5.1% in the current financial year 2012-13, as compared to 5.9% in 2011-12. The Current account deficit was recorded at 4% of the GDP in 2011-12, worst since 1991.


Our country is suffering from very poor economic fundamentals and trade gap which is currently at $185 billion, the highest among the Asian countries. This is creating an excess of dollar demand in the market for import payments & outflows and hence making India a worst performer in currency terms vis-a-vis dollar.


The Government authorities are always seen blaming the International issues such as economic trouble in Europe and stronger dollar overseas for weakening local currency. But the weakness of rupee started much before and there are long term structural issues like the current account deficit and burgeoning credibility issues plaguing the economy. The country is trapped between political and economic uncertainties with a combination of fiscal populism and policy paralysis with some big corruption scandals.


The government promised several measures which were to be undertaken like FDI clearances in retail. This would have given the economy a large boost of investment and FDI to fund the grappling infrastructure and the uncontrollable current account deficit. It is also to be noted that a lot of FDI from the country is moving out due to poor investment opportunities and bureaucratic structure in India.


If we know that we cannot reduce trade gap through excessive exports then we should have focused on import substitution like that of Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea who has practiced the same over the years. In turn we have been increasingly dependent on overseas investments in the form of FII to bail us out every year.


Foreign institutional investors have pumped in Rs 62,854.6 crore into the Indian markets in the first six months (January to June) of the year. Of the total Rs 62,854.6 crore invested this year, Rs41,993 crore was invested in equities and Rs20,861.5 crore in debt, according to data posted by the Securities and Exchange Board of India.


However, inflows have fallen considerably after February, even treading negative territory in April. In February, net foreign investments were the highest at Rs35,227.90 crore against Rs26,328.90 crore in January. In January, FIIs invested Rs10,357.70 crore in equity and Rs15,971.20 crore in debt, taking the total to Rs26,328.90 crore.


The highest investment of Rs35,227.90 crore came in February, with Rs25,212.10 crore in equity and Rs10,015.80 crore in debt. However, April witnessed an outflow of Rs4,896.60 crore, while it was inflows again in May (Rs3,222 crore) and June (Rs1,180.50 crore). They turned net sellers of Indian stocks in April, the first month of withdrawals in 2012, due to changes in tax rules and Indian Government failed promises.


The situation is quite grave at this time with slowing economic growth and a weakening currency. The latest GDP figures have slipped down to 5.3% for the first three months of the year 2012, worst in the last nine years. The Indian Economy is expected to decline further on account of the weak local fundamentals and international slowdown in Europe and China.


To support the rupee, the government introduced measures such as enhancing the limit for foreign institutional investment in debt and raising the import duty on gold by 300%. RBI tightened the norms for rupee forward contracts for exporters, importers and banks to avoid speculation. It had also established a $15-billion bilateral swap line with Bank of Japan, raised interest rates on non-resident deposits and announced relaxations in external commercial borrowing.


It had a main focus to intervene at regular intervals by reducing the dollar demand side in the market but all the measures were taken negatively by the market pushing the dollar to new highs. The RBI also sold the dollar to support the rupee. The RBI intervention was recorded to USD 20.13 billion for the duration September 2011 – February 2012. In fact these interventions do not bring about the fair value of the currency and the USD/INR market will react abnormally when these sanctions or interventions on the dollar is removed.


It has to be noted that we can still be one of the fastest growing economy with the youngest population in the globe and having one of the highest interest rate differentials. If we are unable to attract inflows when so much of money is printed everywhere across US, Europe, Asia then it is a cause of serious concern.


The demand for the safe heaven US DOLLAR, due to ongoing concerns over European region is also further adding to its strength and rupee weakness. We can see Dollar index strengthening further and breaching towards 85 levels as seen 90 in March 2009 and 92 in 2005 and an all time high 120 in 2001.


The most important point to be noted is that US dollar is the reserve currency and there is no alternate safe haven as liquid as the US dollar. Investors across the globe are ready to invest in this currency for 10 years at a yield of 1.58%. Till any official announcement is made on QE3, we maintain strength in US Dollar overall in 2012. We expect the Dollar Index to hit 85 soon and rupee weakness overall with global uncertainty increasing.


Coming back to the Indian Rupee, there is not much change in the local fundamental which would support the rupee. The upcoming RBI monetary policy on 18th June 2012 will be very challenging for the Central bank officials as the growth has slipped to nine year low levels with inflation lingering above 10%. I feel before making any decision regarding the rate cut, RBI will be having a very close look on the IIP and Inflation figures which are scheduled before the policy review.


Checking out the debt status, nearly 43% of the total external debt of USD 316.9 billion are coming up for maturity in the current year which consist of NRI deposits of USD 43.4 billion, 32% of the total short term debt of residual maturity of less than one year, FII investment in the sovereign debt of USD 5 billion and ECB of USD 20 billion.


The current conditions where the Indian Rupee has depreciated against the USD in the last few months and the rise in credit spreads in Indian USD bond issuers has placed a stress on USD funding of domestic borrowers. Hence the maturity of short term debt of USD 137 billion in the coming months would make further pressure on the rupee.


Talking about the impact on a layman, the depreciation of the rupee has resulted in imported inflation. Being a net importer nation, the rupee weakness has affected general food prices and consumption patterns in the country. The wages do not increase at the same pace making a 9-10% CPI difficult for the common man.


Also the cost of studying abroad has increased by 20- 25% making it difficult for the students aspiring to study abroad. The proportions of bank loans have not increased at the same fashion though. Even the traveling cost has increased by 20% making it difficult for the mid-sized business man who travels abroad for business purpose.


The surging gold price in the local market, due to rupee weakness is making it increasingly difficult for buying gold gifts for marriages in a gold driven society. In short we can say rupee weakness has increased the burden on the layman’s pocket. The point to be noted is that increasing prices will make the individual spend more and save less. Reduced saving will impact the investment cycle which is very important for the growth of the economy.


The Indian Rupee was seen hitting 57.33 levels against the dollar recentlyt, its low time low. The rupee is seen trapped between 55 – 56 levels from last few weeks with no clarity on its further movement which is making the market curious.


The market players expect the rupee to appreciate by next year, but we don’t believe the same. We have come out with an exclusive research on the Pace of Rupee in our report . The overall movement of the rupee (since 1996) was studied which reflected that the pace of depreciation has been much steeper than the pace of appreciation.


The rupee is seen weakening over a period of time against the dollar. It is observed that the pace of depreciation has been faster than that of appreciation. Though the appreciation has taken more time, the percentage change has been lower than the percentage of depreciation.


As seen in the above table, row A indicates that the rupee took 254 days to depreciate by more than 17% whereas row C indicates it has taken more than 400 days to appreciate by a mere 10%. A similar situation is seen between rows E and F, where the rupee has taken more than 300 days to appreciate by 15% while on the other hand, it has depreciated by more than 24.45% in 279 days.


The conclusion arrived from the above analysis, shows that


· The pace of depreciation is much wilder than the pace of appreciation.


· The study showed that rupee depreciated for 2 years while it appreciated for 1 year on an average.


· The rupee has weakened over a period of last 15 years .


The in-depth study has taken in to consideration various local indicators such as GDP, CAD, fiscal deficit, IIP, WPI and BOP . A correlation is shown between all the above mentioned indicators and the Indian rupee. It showed that poor performance of these indicators were majorly responsible for rupee weakness.


The study of international factors such as US 10 year treasury yields, German yields, Dollar Index has been shown to test the risk aversion and its amazing correlations with the USD/INR in recent times. The co-relation between US treasury yield and rupee works perfectly showing an inverse relation between them whereas a direct relationship between Dollar Index and USD/INR.


The International issues such as European Crisis, Recession in US, UK have added to the global economy slowdown putting pressure on Asian and emerging nations. The growth performance of the emerging nations has seen clearly dipping down and could drop further if the global issues are not addressed in the time to come.


The heavy risk aversion in the global market could be measured with the US treasury yield dipping below 2% and hitting the record levels of 1.38% lowest since 1912 . The Dollar Index after breaching over 100 levels in 2000 and seems to have bottomed out near 72.69 levels in 2011. The report indicated a fresh bull run in 2011 when it breached levels of 82 in 2012 with a target of 88-89 levels as high risk aversion on China slowing and positive economic numbers compared to its Europe and UK which may push the US economy to stronger levels. Moreover a clear break of Head and shoulder pattern is also visible on the charts suggesting the above target.


The study also highlighted the lack of future effectiveness of the stimulus measures carried out by central banks which were seen supporting the rally in the global assets market in 2009-2010. For economies that have already used QE they are facing the problem of diminishing returns.


The weakness in rupee was contributed by both the domestic as well as international issues. The efforts taken by the RBI was in vain. The RBI sold around $12 billion in 2011 and around $11 billion by June 2012. The scope of RBI of intervention through dollar sales in the Forex market is reduced since 2008 due to limited Forex reserves and lack of sufficient flows. The research also pointed out the declining import cover ratio which is matter of serious concern.


The extensive research on the performance of the Dollar index during crisis and non-crisis period revealed that the global market has always boosted the dollar index substantially as it is viewed as a safe haven .


The study has indicated few BLACK SWAN events . which could strongly boost the US dollar in this year like war between US-Iran, credit excesses in China and a possibility of India downgrade.


As per the report the USD/INR maintains a bullish trend and the trend is likely to continue in 2012-2013 and target rupee towards 60 levels with a best possible base rate of 52.10 in by June 2013.


Before the last decade, the 1990's, India was probably on the short list of almost every economist outside of India of the countries with the worst economic systems. India had and probably still has a parasitical class of politicians and bureaucrats that micromanage the economy in the interests of their class. They hypocritically aver that they are doing what they are doing in the interest of the people of India. There has been some official allegiance to socialism with a goal of achieving it through Stalinist central planning. The fact that the result has been some horrible mixture of state capitalism and moribund corporatism is usually attributed to incompetence and ineptitude on the part of the bureaucracy. The Indian American economist Jagdish Baghwati of Columbia University remarked that he agreed with the view that "India's misfortune was to have brilliant economists: an affliction that the Far Eastern super-performers were spared." The policies implemented by the Government of India before the last decade were brilliant only in maintaining the power and influence of the bureaucrats. Judged with respect to an promoting the welfare of the Indian people those policies were ridiculously bad, to the point of stupidity.


The bureaucracy has been rather competent in generating excuses for the failure of their policies. One of those exceuses has been that there is a Hindu rate of growth that is significantly lower than the rate of growth that other countries could achieve. What the bureacrats dare not say is that in maintaining a pool of economic rents the bureaucrats' policies were an outstanding success.


The disappointing economic progress in India up to 1990 cannot be attributed to any shortcoming in talent among the Indian people or the impediments resulting from Indian cultures. Indians out from under the oppression of the bureaucracy of the Indian Government have succeeded spectacularly in professions and business.


Probably the misguidance of India development can be attributed to India's first prime minister, Jawarharlal Nehru. Nehru chose the goal of economic self-sufficiency with economic development to be achieved by central planning modeled on that of the Soviet Union. By cutting off imports India gave a protected market to domestic producers. India got domestic production but it was production of low quality, obsolete products. The policies stifled economic growth and India, with its high level of population and poverty, could ill afford low rates of economic growth.


The two makes of automobiles produced in India, copied from models of the British Austin and Hillman of the 1950's, remained unchanged for more than forty years.


The planning and adminstration of the economic did not emerge full blown. The first five year plan (1951-55) called for the planned development of only a few industries, the ones that private industry had not developed for one reason or another. In the first five year plan the other industries were left to the market.


The second five year plan (1956-1961), the product of P. C. Mahalanobis' work, was more inteventionist. It tried to implement the elements of British socialism and combine them with the tenets of Mahatma Gandhi. It sought to eliminate the importation of consumer goods, particularly luxuries, by means of high tariffs and low quotas or banning some items altogether. The large enterprises in seventeen industries were nationalized. License were required for starting new companies, for producing new products or expanding production capacities. This is when India got its License Raj . the bureaucratic control over the economy. Not only did the Indian Government require businesses get bureaucratic approval for expanding productive capacity, busineeses had to have bureaucratic approval for laying off workers and for shutting down. When a business was losing money the Government would prevent them from shutting down and to keep the business going would provide assistance and subsidies. When a business was hopeless an owner might take away, illegally, all the equipment that could be moved and disappear themselves. In such cases the Government would try to keep the business functioning by means of subsidies to the employees. One can imagine how chaotic and unproductive a business would be under such conditions.


Government planning also involved requiring businesses to produce in particular areas, usually economically backward areas. It also might require the production of certain goods such as cheap cloth for the poor.


The Indian Economic Plans had to be financed and this often meant taking resources away from agriculture and giving them to pet industries that were not viable on there own. Ultimately this meant starving agriculture to feed inefficient industries the Government favored. Such a program was not likely to alleviate poverty and so in 1971, under Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, the Government tried to eliminate poverty by promoting small, labor intensive enterprises.


The net effect of the Government programs was to take away resources from agriculture in the countryside to give it to favored businesses in the cities. When the effects on agriculture and the countryside became significant the plan added programs to help the countryside (labor intensive small businesses) and programs to aid agriculture such as a fertilizer subsidy. These programs to help agriculture and the countryside generally came from resources which the Government took away from agriculture and the countryside. The fertilizer subsidy may have been of greater benefit to the wealthier farmers than to the poorer farmers.


India's output did grow but not as much as did that of other countries in the region. The Government of India generally takes credit for growth, but when India's performance is compared to that of other countries one sees that the Government's contribution to growth was negative. The followi shows the magnitude of the shortfall in growth that India's oppressive system is responsible for.


Comparative Growth Rates of Developing Economies Average Annual Rates 1960-88


Source: The Economist May 4, 1991, Survey page 7


With the top performers achieving a growth rate of industrial production of about ten percent while India achieved a growth rate of only at most about five percent the cost of the License Raj to India's growth rate was about five percent, or half the rate of growth.


One of the most wonderful things to happen to the world was the genetic development of high-yielding grain varieties, the Green Revolution. This development probably put an end to famine from natural causes. Between 1970 and 1989 agricultural production in India did grow but the rate of increase was only 2.1 percent per year whereas over the same per period the annual rates of growth of farm output in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand were 3.7%, 4.7%, 3.6% and 4.5%, respectively. Again the cost of the License Raj to growth in India was about half the rate of growth. The cost of the License Raj more importantly is in the slower pace of alleviating poverty.


The License Raj in Action


The success pattern of development in Taiwan and other nations of Asia has involved cultivating export industries. In the case of Taiwan the first export industries were associated with agriculture, such as processing sugar cane into sugar. Later light manufacturing emerged as economically viable. Generally the labor force for manufacturing came from the surplus labor force in agriculture, often this was young women from the countryside who moved to the cities to work in the factories. Economically this was a transfer of labor from agriculture where labor productivity was to low to higher productivity occupations in manufacturing.


The products that could be successfully produced by the emerging manufacturing sector in Asian countries was often not technologically sophisticated or prestigous. For example, one of the early successful export products of South Korea was wigs made from human hair. But the successes in the low tech products led to successes in more tehnically sophisticated products. One thing that emerged out of the experiences of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore is that it is difficult to develop successful export industries without also importing products.


In contrast, India virtually shut off imports with high tariffs, low quotas and outright banning. The structure of India's wall against trade is shown below:


Intermediate Goods Open General License


No License Required


In addition to rules concerning the imported goods there are rules based upon the nature of the importer. Imports are to be brought in only by the actual user where is subject to bureaucratic definition. The Economist cites the case in which vehicle tires cannot be imported by bus or trucking companies because only vehicle manufacturers are deemed actual users . Some products whose importation is scheduled for reduction can only be imported by certain government agencies called canalizing agencies . In 1988 40 percent of India's imports were of this canalized variety. Another 12 percent were in the category of restricted, 32 percent were limited permissible and only 16 percent fell into the category of Open General License.


Completely separate from the matter of the regulations on imports is the matter of tariffs. That is to say, even if the importation of a product is approved the tariff might be prohibitive. India in 1985 had the highest level of tariffs in the world, as is shown in the following table.


Nominal Tariff Rates of Various Countries As Percentage of Value, 1985


Source: World Bank, cited in The Economist May 4, 1991, Survey page 9


The end result is that India in 1988 had the lowest ratio of imports to GDP of any country in the Asia and consequently also had a comparably low ratio of exports to GDP. It is not impossible to expand exports without having a corresponding expansion in imports but it is as a practical matter difficult to do so. India's government, however, decided in the late 1980's to try to promote exports without loosening its restrictions on imports. The system is a typical Indian bureaucratic monstrosity. Exporters in India are given Import Replenishment Licenses which can be used to buy imports. Profits on exports were made exempt from the corporate profit tax. Because the loopholes created for export industries could be used to avoid the taxes and restrictions on other parts of the economy there are numerous rules and regulation to prevent the specieal rules for exporters from being abused.


The Effect of Protection on Enterprises and Industries


There are some very interesting comparisons to be made between the protected industries and the ones that are not protected. The following table compiles the comparisons.


Comparison of High Protection and Low Protection Manufacturing Industries in India, 1986


Number of Sectors


Share of Labor Employed


Share of Value Added


Share of Capital Employed


Capital per Worker


The notable differences between the high protection and low protection industries is that the average wage rate is almost 70 percent (69%) higher under high protection. One consequence of the higher wage rates is greater capital intensity in the high protection industries and that did occur. The capital/labor ratio in the high protection industries is 5.2 times that in the low protection industries. As a result the high tech industries, which produce 39 percent of the value-added only employ 18.5 percent of the labor force. The protection system promoted the substitution capital for labor in a country which has an abundant surplus of labor.


Public-Sector Enterprises


In addition to over-regulating the private sector the Government of India has created socialist enterprises directly. The Government nationalized heavy industry (the commanding heights of the economy) and built new state-owned enterprises, SOE's. The evidence that SOE's were inefficient was abundantly clear before the bureaucracy created their new ones. These SOE's are generally more costly to build than privately built plants. In the case of steel plants the SOE's cost 30 to 40 percent more. The excess capital cost should be met out of the return on the capital for the plant but that is not likely to occur since, according to a study by the Bureau of Industrial Costs and Prices, the average rate of return on capital in SOE's is just 1.5 percent. The management problems that afflict most SOE's are:


excessive over-staffing


under utilization of capacity


excessive inventories


poor management of materials


obsolete technology


inadequate maintenance


wrong selection of products


Sometimes the management problems of SOE's are the fault of the operating managers but often supervising authorities impose unreasonable policies on the SOE's. For example, the Government authorities require electrical generating plants supply power to farmers at a price of zero and to households at a price insufficient for the coverage of costs. The operating deficit for the electrical utilities has to covered by a government subsidy, which is funded by a tax on economically viable enterprises.


India which has woefully inadequate production for its population set up a system in which any action to expand production, beit opening a new plant, moving existing operations to a new location or even expanding production in an old plant, required a license. In the early 1980's the License Raj rejected 50 to 60 percent of the application, most commonly on the basis that there was adequate existing capacity. What this really means is the existing producers did not want to face additional competition and give up their monopolistic control of their markets. The existing producers also discovered the strategy of applying for such licenses to thwart potential competitors from getting licenses. So of the 40 to 50 percent of the license applications that were approved some portion represented spurious application so, in effect, the rejection rate of legitimate applications was higher than 50 to 60 percent. There was a tendency for the License Raj to restrict successful firms from growing. Perhaps this is out of fear that small firms will grow to be large firms. There is a definite ideological opposition to large firms within the Indian planning establishment.


Large firms in certain industries, called core industries . have to abide by the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act . (MRTP). Despite the name the effect of the MRTP tends to restrict competition and protect the monopoly of the firms which are already in an industry. The worst monopolies are state monopolies and the MRTP does not apply to them and nothing restricts their practices.


The Government of India has a policy of reserving certain products for "small" companies. In the late 1970's there were 800 products reserved for such companies. A small company was defined as one having plant and equipment of value less than a specified figure. Although such companies were small compared to the giants of industries the amount of wealth involved in the ownership of such companies was large compared to the average wealth of the general population of India. The Lincense Raj provided protection for a class of quite well-to-do Indians, a class ideally suited to dealing with and sharing rents with the members of the License Raj.


The Economist characterized the overall system as follows: In combination with the industrial-licensing regime [the small company policy] has given India the worst of both worlds: too many small and inefficient companies at the bottom, too many large and monopolistic ones at the top.


The Government of India also has a policy of encouraging firms to locate in economically backward areas. These areas with high unemployed and underemployed labor are not lower cost sites for businesses because the union rules on wages prohibit these areas from competing with the prosperous areas on the basis of labor costs. Thus in these backward areas the wage costs are the same and the transportation costs are higher.


On top of all the other detrimental eeconmic policies India has price controls for many goods. Generally the control prices are set by a formula of cost plus a markup. The cost plus formulation means that firms in the affected industries not only have no incentive to keep costs down they have an incentive to increase costs.


Firms cannot in the matter of labor costs reduce their costs by laying off workers. To do so requires government permission and financial hardship of the firm is not a proper justification. As would be expected, India with this multitude of wrong-headed economic policies has a problem of failed firms. When a firm becomes bankrupt it cannot without permission legally go out of business. The Government tries to keep such failed firms running, sometimes giving subsidies and requiring the state bank to grant loans. The owners of such failed firms may illegally take those assets of the firm which are movable and disappear. But even the disappearance of a company owner may not result in the shutdown of the firm. The Government tries to keep such zombie firms operating under the management of the employees.


Since the net effect of Indian Government policies are negative and upwards of two thirds of the economy is in agriculture the policies are a terrible tax on the poor. Rather than abandon the policies the government and bureaucracy added another layer of policies to try to ameliorate the impact of the other policies. The Government created irrigation projects and fertilizer subsidies for agriculture. In addition there is a roadbuilding program for the rural areas. The bureaucracy also created a system of transfer payments for the rural poor which in its typically obfuscating fashinon called rural development .


In the support of the Indian Government for education the class interest of the government and bureaucracy can be clearly seen. The level of education which is most generously supported is higher education rather than elementary education. But it is generally the children of the well-to-do who attend colleges and universities. Thus the support of higher education is, in effect, a subsidy for the well-to-do families. It is a transfer of income from the poor to the middle and upper classes, the classes which dominate the governement and bureaucracy.


Rajiv Gandhi was the oldest son of Indira Gandhi, but he did not enter politics until after his younger brother Sanjay was killed in an airplane accident. Sanjay had entered politics as an advisor to his mother, Indira Gandhi. After his mother's assassination in 1984 Rajiv inherited the political mantle of his grandfather Jawarharlal Nehru and the leadership of the Congress Party.


Rajiv came into power as the Prime Minister of India in 1984. He was somewhat of an outsider, his first interests had been in engineering and aeronautics. He was not impressed with the excuses of the bureaucratic establishment. He said, A poor country cannot afford to carry on billing the poorest people for its inefficiency and call itself socialist.


Rajiv called for a tax reform which cut the income and corporate tax rates. As a result of the lower tax rates tax evasion was reduced and the lower tax rates brought in 40 percent more revenue.


He reduced the restrictions on the economy. He modified definitions so that the limitation imposed by "small company" policy were lessened. Some industries were removed from coverage by the MRTP Act. He created broadbanding in the matter of licensing. Broadbanding meant that a license for version of a product would serve to allow production of a closely related version of the same product rather than requiring a new license for the new version.


Rajiv Gandhi's reforms were considered outside of India as mild and timid adjustments but to the License Raj they were a threat to their hegemony and considered audaciously radical. Mild and timid though they were they brought results. India began to experience some semblance of a surge in production. Unfortunately Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated in 1991 by a suicide bomber representing Tamil extremism.


The rural areas of India need many things but what they get is ill designed programs that they themselves have to finance.


The biggest program is irrigation. The program is beneficial but the management of the irrigation programs is rife with corruption. Successful candidates for administrative positions in the irrigation programs spend many times the amount of the salaries they receive to get these positions. This make sense only because of the opportunities to obtain bribes. Yet the irrigation systems often operate at a loss because the charges are too low. The picture that emerges is inefficient, subsidized operations in which users can be assured of getting the product only if they bribe the administrators.


Many areas need more roads or better roads. Under self-sufficiency communication and transportation to other regions is not essential. But self-sufficiency usually means a primitive, Dark Ages life. Economic improvement requires trade and specialization and this means roads.


The Government maintains a fertilizer subsidy for the rural areas but this is again another program where the result is far different from the purpose. The purpose was to aid the poor but the allocation of the subsidized fertilizer is subject to the discretion of administrators. This presents opportunities to divert the fertilizer into unintended uses, such as to the farms of more well-to-do.


A similar program is the one to sell food to the rural poor at subsidized prices. Again this can lead to theft or diversion and hence the benefit accrues to people other than the poor.


The Economist notes that the spending of India for education is disdirected. More emphasis is placed on secondary and higher educaion than on primary (elementary) education. Thus India is subsidizing the wealthier families who are more able to finance their own educational need. This seems a case of the bureaucratic class taking care of their own interests.


Although the states of central India; Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra; have the largest land area it is the states of eastern India, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, that have the largest populations. It is also these eastern states that have the lowest literacy rates, the highest birth rates and the highest death rates. Five states that were poor in 1961; Manipur, Bihar, Orissa, Tripura and Uttar Pradesh; remained poor in 1991. Madhya Pradesh, poor in 1961, moved up significantly in relative income by 1991. Dehli is the richest state, having a percapita income more than double the average of the rest. Five above-average-income states in 1961; Maharashtra, Punjab, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Haryana; remained above average in 1991. West Bengal, above average in 1961, fell below the average. Some of the above-average-income states are industrial; i. e. Delhi, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu; but two, Haryana and Punjab, are primarily agricultural.


There is a weak indication that the poorer states are growing faster than the richer states and thus there will be a convergence of incomes levels. The evidence is not overwhelming that this is true, but if so the rate of convergence is quite slow. The estimate is that it takes about a half century for a state to make up half the difference between its income and the national average. This convergence, if it occurs, comes from such mechanisms as the diffusion of capital from states where there is a lower marginal productivity of capital to ones where it is higher. Some convergence may come from net capital transfers by the central government from the richer states to the poorer. Convergence could also come from migration, but this may not occur if it is the more prosperous in the poorer states who move to the richer states. Generally; the states to the east in India and the city of Calcutta are poorer. The states to the west and the city of Bombay are wealthier. Bombay is the industrial and commercial power house of India. Delhi is a special case. Its economic prosperity stems from being the seat of national government and its bureaucracy. Businesses locate near Delhi because there is a definite advantage being close to the agencies that set regulation, issue licenses and disperse government contracts.


Madras is an important economy in the south and Bangalore, once primarily a resort, has become the center of India's high tech, computer-oriented information technology industry.


Reference: Paul Cashin and Ratna Sahay, "Regional Economic Growth and Convergence in India," Finance and Development . March, 1996, pp. 49 -52.


The GDP of India


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» 1991 JPY to USD Conversion - Money Exchange Calculator


Convert 1991 Japanese Yen (JPY) to US Dollar (USD)


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1991 JPY = 18.5163 USD


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Under the monetary policy and issuance directives of the Bank of Japan the JPY, when measured by value, is the world's third largest reserve currency and fourth most traded currency in open currency markets. It is the official currency of Japan and has shown contrarian resilience against world markets initially in the 1980's and more recently in the 2008 world credit crisis as the Bank of Japan retains there command economic policies while refusing to engage in economic stimulus.


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The privately owned and government sanctioned United States Federal Reserve Bank manages the monetary policy for the United States dollar (USD). The USD is the the worlds most widely held reserve currency and the most traded currency in world currency trading markets. The USD is official currency in 14 countries and the unofficial or de facto currency in 37 others. The US dollar is the second largest currency in circulation having been surpassed by the euro. The USD is a floating fiat currency.


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India's approach to foreign exchange reserve management, until the balance of payments crisis of 1991 was to maintain an appropriate level of reserves required for importing goods and services. It was defined in terms of number of months of imports equivalent of reserves.


For example, let us say India's import for a year was USD 36 billion and India had a foreign exchange reserve of USD 4.5 billion, then it was expressed as our reserves being the equivalent of one and a half months of imports. Emphasis on import cover constituted the primary concern to managing foreign exchange reserves till 1993-94.


The approach to reserve management underwent a paradigm shift in the mid 90s.


The relevant extracts are:


It has traditionally been the practice to view the level of desirable reserves as a percentage of the annual imports-say reserves to meet three months imports or four months imports. However, this approach would be inadequate when a large number of transactions and payment liabilities arise in areas other than import of commodities.


These started happening with the liberalization that led to foreign investors investing in Indian companies either through the Foreign Institutional Investor (FII) route (Morgan Stanleys of the world investing in Indian stock markets) or through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) route (Enron investing in Dabhol Power Corporation!!). These were instance of foreign currency coming into the country. For each of these inflows, there will be a future outflow either when the FIIs repatriate their investments or the FDIs taking back profits of their investments.


In addition, liabilities may arise either for repaying loans or paying interest on loans. The new approach was aimed at determining the level of forex reserve, by paying attention to the loan repayment and interest payment obligations in addition to the level of imports.


In addition, with the opening up of the economy since the early 90s, the impact of changes in global currency markets is bound to affect Indian shores as well. Further, emphasis was placed on gaining the ability to take care of the seasonal factors in any balance of payments (foreign exchange inflows - foreign exchange outflows) transaction with reference to the possible uncertainties in the monsoon conditions of India and to counter speculative tendencies or anticipatory actions amongst players in the foreign exchange market.


CRISIS CONTINUING IN INDIA'S POLITICS


Published: March 8, 1991


NEW DELHI, March 7— Chandra Shekhar, India's caretaker Prime Minister since his resignation on Wednesday, accused Rajiv Gandhi and his Congress Party today of bringing the country "to the brink of disaster."


In a television speech to the nation tonight, Mr. Shekhar said the irresponsible behavior of people he had trusted had created a constitutional crisis. He did not name former Prime Minister Gandhi or his party, but there was no doubt about their identity.


Earlier today, Mr. Shekhar called Mr. Gandhi "childish."


The Congress Party, which had been supporting Mr. Shekhar until this week, though at an increasingly high political price, provoked the resignation of the Prime Minister over a minor issue -- the posting of two police officers from a neighboring state at or near Mr. Gandhi's official residence. Gandhi Opposed by Parties


As a day passed without a decision by President Ramaswami Venkataraman on whether to call a national election, rumors spread that Mr. Gandhi would try to form a government without a vote, despite his denials.


All opposition parties are against allowing Mr. Gandhi to become even a temporary head of government, although his party has the largest bloc of seats in the lower house of Parliament. Mr. Gandhi turned down the offer to form a government in November, after the fall of Prime Minister V. P. Singh, preferring to support Mr. Shekhar's small minority. Congress Party Divided


The Congress Party is known to be sharply divided over whether it could win a national election. Party politicians have been arguing that an election campaign would be too costly and too violent. Some members of the Congress leadership say the real problem is that the party under Mr. Gandhi has not been able to strengthen itself since its election defeat in November 1989.


Tonight, L. K. Advani, leader of the conservative Bharatiya Janata Party and of the parliamentary opposition, said that "under no circumstances should there be a back-door entry to government."


Opposition leaders have told President Venkataraman, a Congress Party politician before his elevation to what was once a ceremonial office, that he cannot bring Mr. Gandhi back without serious damage to democratic institutions in India.


India doesn't yet face balance of payments crisis


In 1991, the loudest of wake up calls, in the form of a currency crisis, aroused India from the stupor of four decades of failed economic policies. Some hope that the decline of the rupee, which hit a record low against the dollar on May 31, and the sharp drop in the GDP growth rate, to 5.3 percent last quarter, will provide a similar jolt to get India back on the reform track. Breakingviews has run the numbers .


After coming within weeks of running out of foreign currency reserves, India changed course. Reforms driven by Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and his Finance Minister Manmohan Singh led to rapid economic growth and the accumulation of a large reserve of foreign currencies. Now the dangers are a reversal of the momentum of reform and a reversion to complacency.


As far as foreign exchange is concerned, India’s persistent trade and current account deficits mean that it has to run just to stand still. For four of the past five years, it has been able to move forward – capital inflows of Foreign Direct Investment and portfolio investment have more than covered the current account shortfall. Over the past year, it has had to run harder. The deficit shot up from 2.7 to 4 percent of GDP, thanks largely to higher oil prices, and the current account deficit of $76 billion is the widest ever.


That shortfall should be set against the country’s foreign currency reserves. Those have fallen from a peak in July 2008 of $307 billion, which then covered almost 14 months of imports, to $286 billion, now enough to cover only around seven months of imports. But as our calculator shows, that’s still a more than comfortable defence under most scenarios.


Even if capital flows were to reduce to zero as they did in 2008, following the collapse of Leman Brothers, reserves would drop by only $40 billion over twelve months, still leaving a healthy $250 billion or so of cover. Of course, the more a country defends itself with foreign exchange reserves, the weaker its defences appear.


In today’s environment, India can cope. But there are two big risks. First, a catastrophe, say in the euro zone, could leads to a flight of foreign capital. Foreigners own about $200 billion worth Indian equities. A rush for the exit could trigger a spiraling decline. Second, a repeat of the 1991 oil shock could precipitate a sharp increase in both the trade and fiscal deficits, the latter because of wasteful government subsidies of domestic fuel prices.


No country would be immune to such shocks. But India’s dependency on foreign investment, and ballooning trade gap, puts it particularly at risk. India can become more resilient by encouraging more foreign direct investment: lifting caps on retail, aviation and insurance sectors would be a start. It could also reduce fuel subsidies. Even better, it could renew the 1990s political spirit of Rao and Singh. Investors need the red carpet, not red tape.


Related images


RBI seen to go on forex mop-up drive


Mumbai, May 4: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) will have to buy foreign exchange reserves of $80 billion by March 2016 if it has to maintain the current eight months’ import cover.


The country’s forex reserves, at present, stand at over $309 billion, equivalent to around eight months of imports.


The central bank, which last year sold dollars heavily in the market to prop up the rupee, has in recent times been buying the US currency as the rupee has started to recover.


According to a report from Bank of America-Merrill Lynch, reserves have risen $12 billion since March.


“We expect the Reserve Bank to recoup the $70 billion of forex it sold since end-2008 at the earliest. We expect the RBI to buy $33.9 billion, including forex swaps with oil firms, in 2014-15 and $41.7 billion in 2015-16, if oil stabilises at $105 a barrel levels,” Indranil Sengupta, India economist at Bank of America-Merrill Lynch, said in a research note.


He added that a stable government after the general elections might also raise $20-25 billion by including India in a benchmark emerging market bond index; another possibility could be to raise $5 billion a year in sovereign bonds as had been done by Brazil or Russia.


“It is not as if the forex market will wait for the RBI to buy the entire $80 billion. All it is looking for is a confirmation that the RBI has returned to the Jalan-Reddy policy of building forex reserves to guard against contagion,” Añadió.


Pointing out that an 8-10 month import cover is a must for rupee stability, he observed that FII investment in equities had risen to 80 per cent of forex reserves now from under 30 per cent in 1997.


Though this could strengthen the rupee, the domestic currency will be adversely affected if the foreign investors withdrew heavily.


According to the report, the forex policy of the new government will be the next major trigger for the rupee. The new government is likely to allow the central bank to recoup reserves to ensure external stability.


Earlier governments, too, have followed a conservative policy of building up reserves even if it came at the cost of the rupee, the report said.


For instance, the Narasimha Rao regime of 1991-96 had let the then RBI governor C. Rangarajan to float the rupee in March 1993 and shore up the reserves to avoid a repeat of the 1991 crisis.


Subramanian Swamy recalls India’s grave economic crisis in 1991


Kochi, Jan 23: Former Union Minister and BJP leader Subramanian Swamy today recalled his encounter with the then US Ambassador to get India USD 2 billion loan from International Monetary Fund (IMF) to save the country from a “grave economic crisis” in 1991. Swamy, who was Law and Justice Minister in Chandra Sekhar government in 1991, said a decision to allow American war planes to refuel at Indian airports during the first Iraq war was taken after the US agreed to arrange USD 2 billion IMF loan for India.


Speaking on ‘responsible capitalism’ at the annual conference of Kerala Management Association here, Swamy said India faced severe financial crisis in 1991 due to some steps taken by the previous government regarding providing bank loans to industries. Swamy, who commended Rajiv Gandhi for liberalising India’s economy, however, said Gandhi, during his 1984-89 tenure did not prescribe that industrialists must only get long term loans.


“So, they (industrialists) got short-term loans”, but in the process, in five years, the payments became due and there was a financial crisis, he said. ”The Prime Minister (Chandra Sekhar) asked me what we can do? Fortunately the American Ambassador came to see me for a political matter. He wanted to know whether we would help Americans in their war against Iraq. At that time, Iraq had conquered Kuwait. I asked what kind of help you want. He said he wants that their (war) planes from the Philippines be allowed to land in India, refuel in India and they are ready to pay three times more (than the landing rate for refuelling a commercial airline). I told him that we don’t want to change our landing policy for peanuts,” Swamy said without naming the US ambassador.”


“He asked… what do you want? I said we want USD 2 billion because we are on the verge of becoming bankrupt. He asked ‘you want it from the United States?’ I said no… from the IMF and without conditions. He said ‘how can I get you money from IMF’. I said, you have 87 per cent voting right in IMF. So, if you want landing rights, then on Monday I want USD 2 billion,” Swamy revealed.


“He (the ambassador) said today is already Friday… I said in Washington it is still Thursday night. So, they gave us USD 2 billion… and they were given landing rights… we changed our landing policy,” Swamy said.


Modified Date: January 23, 2016 12:26 AM


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Rupee nears record low; volatility surges


The rupee fell to near record lows against the dollar on Wednesday, forcing the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to intervene to stem further falls on a tough day for Asian currencies.


The rupee fell to as low as 68.67 to the dollar, not far from a record low of 68.85 hit in August 2013 when India was struggling with its worst financial turmoil since the 1991 balance of payment crisis.


It was trading at 68.6100/6150 as of 11.35 a. m. down nearly 0.4 percent from Tuesday's close of 68.3725/68.3825 and taking its losses so far this year to around 3.6 percent.


In 2013 global markets were hit by fears of a "Fed taper" as the U. S. central bank sought to reduce its massive policy easing. This time around the rupee is also responding to a worsening global environment, including uncertainty about low oil prices and continued worries about China's economy.


Traders said they expect the rupee to soon test the record low, with one-month non-deliverable forwards already trading at 69.


Meanwhile, the one-month implied volatility of the currency touched a six-month high of 7.74 percent. It was 7.05 percent on Tuesday.


But traders were hoping India's sturdier economic fundamentals than in 2013 and foreign exchange reserves of near a record $355 billion could help reduce some of the concerns, though much would depend on how the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) responds.


"The rupee can go much weaker," said Ashtosh Raina, head of FX trading with HDFC Bank.


"Once it touches 68.85 (to the dollar), we need to see how the macroeconomic indicators pan out and we have to watch what the central bank does," Raina said.


Most emerging Asian currencies slid on Wednesday with South Korea's won at 5-1/2-year low on doubts over the sustainability of an oil rebound.


The rupee is the second worst-performing Asian currency tracked by Reuters so far this year. Only the won has fallen more.


Foreign investors were net sellers in the first two months of 2016, pulling $2.2 billion from India's debt and equity markets, but those outflows come after they had bought a net $12.2 billion in 2015.


The RBI sold dollars via state-run banks to prevent further falls, traders said.


RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan in September said India would be "an island of relative calm in an ocean of turmoil" and has touted the country's lower inflation and higher growth than other economies.


Rajan has indicated the RBI will step in to ease volatility in the rupee but would not manage exchange rates.


Indian Rupee: Volatility ahead by Anindya Banerjee, Currency Analyst, Kotak Securities


The correlation of the Indian Rupee to the currencies of developing economies has always been extremely rocky and the start of this can be attributed to the era post the Prussian War or Circa 1870-71. Given the purchasing power disparity between economies trading in gold versus those trading in silver and the demonetization of silver as newer reserves were being discovered, the impact of such a huge rift was profound.


Post Independence, the economic crisis of 1966 and 1991 have attributed to the weakening of the rupee further in global markets. The trade deficits of 1950, resultant inflation and the stopping of foreign aid, the war of 1965 and drought devalued the rupee further. Subsequent liberalisation helped stem the flow till 1991, when India started facing its next wave of Balance of Payment Issues from 1985 – 1990. With imports restricted and high deficit, the rupee was devalued yet again especially by 1999.


Between 2000 – 2007, with high remittances, sustained foreign investment inflows and the development of exports in the sectors of outsourcing and technology, the rupee led a strong battle against the USD. The year 2008 was a watershed year for FOREX trading in India. In October of that year, the RBI & SEBI allowed Indian stock exchanges, viz. NSE and MCX to offer trading in foreign exchange derivatives. In the initial phase, trading was only allowed in future contracts involving Dollar/Rupee, Euro/Rupee, GBP/Rupee and Yen/Rupee combinations. Subsequently in October 2010, NSE introduced options contracts on the Dollar/Rupee as well. Over the last 5 years, we have seen participation – both institutional and retail increase in both, the NSE and MCX.


Both Non–Institutional and Corporate investors are increasingly turning towards the exchanges for hedging their foreign exchange exposures. In the above charts, we see a sharp decline in volumes around Q3 FY12, on account of imposition of turnover charges by NSE and MCX, which caused a drop in participation from proprietary traders. However, since the end of last year, volumes have improved given a more active and increased participation from Corporates drags on exports. That coupled with simultaneous high levels of inflation and low levels of investment and consumption stimulating fiscal policy makes imports competitive to domestic produce and causes the inherent trade deficits to widen.


The slowdown in the domestic economy is reflected in the slowing of the new orders component of the PMI (Purchasing Managers Index) in manufacturing as well through anemic industrial growth. PMI is a diffusion index, where the level 50 separates expansion from contraction and is also a survey of business managers, whose responses are mapped according to various sub-components. Export continues to lag behind imports in terms of growth, as in August the merchandise imports de-grew 5% whereas, merchandise exports de-grew 10% given which merchandise trade deficit continues to remain elevated.


Over the last few weeks, three significant events have emboldened the risk-on mood in financial markets. First, it was the commitment made by the European Central Bank towards unlimited amounts of bond buying programs for fiscally stressed nations. Purchases however are conditioned upon the member state formally seeking a bailout and then adhering to the conditions imposed by the EU/IMF/ECB Troika for fiscal consolidation. The ECB also relaxed the collateral norms, which in turn, will help banks to pledge assets to secure funding from Central Banks. The effect of the ECB’s decision was a sharp decline in the bond yields of Spain and Italy and rally in their respective equity markets as seen from the charts below.


The second significant event was the ruling by the Constitutional Courts in Germany rejecting the motion to block permanent bailout funds from the Euro zone and ESM as was widely expected. The news was met with cheers from the risk assets – ¿Qué significa esto? while the Dollar tumbled. While the ruling was a preliminary one and full review will be considered together with ECB’s planned OMT (what is the full form of OMT and its function?) in December, the EZ could convene the first Board of Directors meeting for the ESM as early as October 8, 2012. Nonetheless, the court also requested that Germany’s liability through the ESM must be capped at agreed EUR 190b levels. The overall lending capacity of the ESM has been capped at Euros 500 billion. What is the impact of this ruling specifically?


Finally, the US Fed adopted a much more dovish stance than was expected, when they not only announced a fresh round of open-ended purchases of mortgage backed securities of USD 40 billion a month, but also extended theinterest rate guidance from 2014 to 2015. Aptly named quantitative easing, the third round of stimulus includes massive bond-buying initiatives which would stabilize the US Economy through the housing sector and the stock markets. The Fed has also committed to continuing the purchases of MBS (full form) till labor market conditions improve substantially. This means that such purchases could continue for well over a year, with possible additional purchases if the need arises.


This open ended commitment for more purchases means that the US Federal Reserve could look to purchase additional round of treasury securities once Operation Twist ends in December. If that does happen, then the Fed’s balance could expand significantly from current levels of USD 2.8trillion to between USD 4-5 trillion by end-2014 according to certain estimates.


A significant ramp up in the Fed’s balance sheet could be inflationary (for US or India) Already commodity prices have rallied on the announcement and we fear that as the super easy policy continues, oil and edible commodities might see further upward spikes. Anecdotal evidence suggests that after QE1 and QE2 stimulus packages, commodity prices especially that of oil, rallied quite significantly.


It needs to be noted that a weaker US Dollar, could hurt other exporting countries, like the EMs and Euro Zone nations. Hence, beyond a point, this could spark a call for an all-out race for devaluation around the globe. In the garb of using easy monetary policy to help the ailing economy, Central Banks could be forced by respective Governments to weaken their currencies. This in turn can lead to a perpetuating highly inflationary cycle in the global economy and what else in terms of affecting currencies specifically?


Currently, the Indian Rupee remains capped within a well-defined upward trending channel with the spot having taken support around the primary uptrend line. In case, the pair slips below the trend line, which would be below 53.00 on spot, and sustains then it can test the mid-line of the channel around 51.70/52.00 on spot levels. There is good chance that that USD/INR holds the primary trend line above 53.00 and then goes into sideways consolidation. However, in case the pair slips through the 53.00 handle then we would expect mid-line to offer a strong case for a floor under the Dollar/Rupee rate.


This is a Guest article by Kotak Securities.


About Kotak Securities:


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Until the early seventies, given the fixed rate regime, the foreign exchange market was perceived as a mechanism merely to put through merchant transactions. With the collapse of the Breton Woods agreement and the floatation of major currencies, the conduct of exchange rate policy posed a great challenge to central banks as currency fluctuations opened up tremendous opportunities for market players to trade in currency volatilities in a borderless market.


The market in Indian, however, remained insulated as exchange rate controls inhibited capital movements and the banks were required to undertake cover operations and maintain a square position at all times.


Slowly a demand began to build up that banks in India be permitted to trade in FOREX. In response to this demand the RBI, as a first step, permitted banks to undertake intra-day trade in FOREX in 1978. As a consequence, the stipulation of maintaining square or near square position was to be complied with only at close of business each day. The extent of position which conduct be left uncovered overnight (the open position) as well as the limit up to which dealers conduct trade during the day was to be decided by the management of the banks.


As opportunities to make profit began to emerge, the major banks started quoting two-way prices against the Rupee as well as in cross-currencies (Non-rupee) and gradually, trading volumes began to increase. This was enabled by a major change in the exchange rate regime in 1975 whereby the Rupee was delinked from the Pound Sterling and under a managed floating arrangement; the external value of the rupee was determined by the RBI in terms of a weighted basket of currencies of India’s major trading partners. Given the RBI’s obligation to buy and sell unlimited amounts of Pound Sterling (the intervention currency), arising from the bank’s merchant trades, its quotes for buying/selling effectively became the fulcrum around which the market moved.


As volumes increased, the appetite for profits was found to lead to the observance of widely different practices (some of which were irregular) dictated largely by the size of the players, their location, expertise of the dealing staff, and availability of communications facilities, it was thought necessary to draw up a comprehensive set of guidelines covering the entire gamut of dealing operations to be observed by banks engaged in FOREX business. Accordingly, in 1981 the “Guidelines for Internal Control over Foreign Exchange Business” was framed for adoption by banks.


During the eighties, deterioration in the macro-economic situation set in, ultimately warranting a structural change in the exchange rate regime, which in turn had an impact on the FOREX market. Large and persistent external imbalances were reflected in rising level of internal indebtedness. The graduated depreciation of the rupee could not compensate for the widening inflation differentials between India and the rest of the world and the exchange rate of the Rupee was getting increasingly overvalued. The Gulf problems of August 1990, given the fragile state of the economy, triggered off an unprecedented crisis of liquidity and confidence. This unprecedented crisis called for the adoption of exceptional corrective steps. The country simultaneously embarked upon measures of adjustment to stabilize the economy and got in motion structural reforms to generate renewed impetus for stable growth.


As a first step in this direction, the RBI effected a two-step downward adjustment of the Rupee in July 1991. Simultaneously, in order to provide a closer alignment between exports and imports, the EXIM scrip scheme was introduced. The scheme provide a boost to exports and with the experience gained in the working of the scheme, it was thought prudent to institutionalize the incentive component and convey it through the price mechanism, while simultaneously insulating essential imports from currency fluctuations. Therefore, with effect from March 1, 1992, RBI instituted a system of dual exchange rates under the Liberalised Exchange Rate Management System (LERMS). Under this, 40% of the exchange earnings had to be surrendered at a rate determined by the RBI and the RBI was obliged to sell foreign exchange only for imports of essential commodities such as oil, fertilizers, life saving drugs etc. besides the government’s debt servicing. The balance 60% could be converted at rates determined by the market. The scheme worked satisfactorily preparing the market for its emerging role and the Rupee remained fairly stable with the spread between the official and market rate hovering around 17%.


Even through the dual exchange rate system worked well, it however, implied an implicit tax on exporters and remittances. Moreover it distorted the efficient allocation of resources. The LERMS was essentially a transitional mechanism and in March 1993, the two legs of the exchange rates were unified and christened Modified LERMS. It stipulated that form March 2nd 1993, all FOREX receipt could be converted at market determined rates of exchange. Over the next eighteen months restrictions on a number of other current account transactions were relaxed and on August 20th 1994, the Rupee was made fully convertible for all current account transactions and the country formally accepted obligations under Article VIII of the IMF’s Article of Agreement.


1966 The Rupee was devalued by 57.5% against on June 6


1967 Rupee-Sterling parity change as a result of devaluation of the sterling


1971 Bretton Woods system broke down in August. Rupee briefly pegged to the USD @ Rs 7.50 before reneging to Sterling at Rs. 18.8672 with a 2.25% margin on either side


1972 Sterling floated on June 23. Rupee sterling parity revalued to Rs 18.95 and the in October to Rs 18.80


1975 Rupee pegged to an undisclosed basket with a margin of 2.25%on either side. Sterling the intervention currency with a central bank rate of Rs 18.3084


1979 Margins around basket parity widened to 5% on each side in January


1991 Rupee devalued by 22% July 1st and 3rd. Rupee dollar rate depreciated from 21.20 to 25.80. A version of dual exchange rate introduced through EXIM scrip scheme, given exporters freely tradable import entitlements equivalent to 30-40% of export earnings.


1992 LERMS introduced with a 40-60 dual rate converting export proceeds, market determined rate for all but specified imports and market rate for approved capital transaction. US Dollar became the intervention currency from March 4th. EXIM scrip scheme abolished.


1993 Unified market determined exchange rate introduced for all transactions. RBI would buy/sell US Dollars for specified purposes. It will not buy or sell forward Dollars though it will enter into Dollar swaps.


1994 Rupee made fully convertible on current account from August 20th.


1998 Foreign Exchange Management Act – FEM Bill 1998, which was placed in the Parliament to replace FERA.


1999 Implication of FEMA start.


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Related posts


India Economy: Effects of the US Financial Crisis in India


New Delhi, 30 Sep . It is often said that when the US sneezes the rest of the world catches a cold. This three-part series looks at how India, China, and Russia have been affected by the US financial crisis.


Before we get into detail about how much this US problem is spreading globally, we should understand the severity of it and the possible consequences in the US. How sick is the US?


Some have compared the situation in the US with the Great Depression of 1929, but this situation is far from a depression – in fact it’s not even a recession. In the Great Depression there was no work and there was widespread poverty. People struggled through the winter with no heating and no food. We are not seeing such extensive suffering in the US.


In the US, August 2008 unemployment figures were at 6.1%, according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. In the Great Depression unemployment was higher than 25%. The Commerce Department reported that GDP growth was at 2.8%, hardly indicative of a recession, although this was revised down from the 3.3% figure it projected a month ago.


But one cannot ignore yesterday’s 777 point drop in the Dow Jones Industrial Average after the $700 billion bailout plan failed to pass through Congress. These paper losses of more than a trillion dollars may be the sneeze that disrupts global markets.


Even before this controversial rescue plan was shot down, Indian markets took a dive of their own on Monday 29 September. The stock market sank to an 18-month low and the rupee a 5-year low. The stock market dropped 5.3% to 12,595.75.


According to Business Standard, vice-president of Karvy Stockbroking Ambareesh Baliga, said, “We are advising our clients to stay away from trading till selling by Foreign Institutional investors (FIIs) stops. Also, there is no support to the markets from any domestic institution. While markets are below their fundamental levels, fear has gripped investors and there is panic selling.”


While US investors and consumers are concerned about who will foot the bill for this $700 billion plan, to Indian and non-US markets that doesn’t matter. They just want it to happen so as to restore confidence and of course liquidity.


Sify. com reported Jagannadham Thunuguntla, head of the Delhi-based SMC Group saying, "The first major point of nervousness is that the US bailout plan will now be in three tranches of $250 billion, then $100 billion and finally $350 billion and the second and third tranches will require further Congressional approval. This means effectively, only $250 billion is now available for buying troubled assets of banks instead of $700 billion outright. This doesn't really solve the problem of liquidity."


Crowds gathered outside the Bombay Stock Exchange to watch the markets drop, with many investors angry. Why should failure of the world’s most advanced financial system hurt individual Indian investors? But the fact remains that the “Bush administration's failed economic policies” as speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi described it, is everybody’s business.


Charles Cole, EconomyWatch. com


India's Crisis Escalates; Brings Back Memories of the 1991 Gold Airlift


Yesterday India's central bank (the RBI) imposed what amounts to a form of currency controls, while trying to attract foreign deposits.


Bloomberg. - The RBI cut the amount local companies can invest overseas without seeking approval to 100 percent of their net worth, from 400 percent, according to a statement on Aug. 14. Residents can remit $75,000 a year versus the previous limit of $200,000.


The authority said banks accepting deposits after Aug. 24 from Indians living abroad need no longer keep 4 percent of the funds in cash and invest 23 percent in government-approved securities.


India also boosted import duties on bullion on Aug. 13 and banned inward shipments of gold in the form of coins and medallions to reduce the trade deficit. In a briefing in New Delhi on Aug. 14, Mayaram said imported gold must be stored in government-mandated warehouses.


It didn't do any good. Driven by expectations of impending exit from QE3 in the US, the rupee punched through 62 this morning, hitting a new all-time low.


At these levels inflation will soon become a concern. Investors continued dumping short-term government bills, with the 6-month paper going above 11% for the first time.


The stock market, which has all but ignored India's currency crisis, tumbled 4% today. The reality of the situation is finally setting in.


The retreat across capital markets was exacerbated by escalating tensions with Pakistan.


The Times of India. - Using heavy calibre guns, Indian Army retaliated strongly after Pakistani troops on Thursday resorted to unprovoked and indiscriminate firing with rocket and mortar shell attacks at LoC posts in Jammu & Kashmir's Poonch sector that injured three Army jawans and a civilian.


This is the 11th ceasefire violation by Pakistan in the past five days, Army officials said.


As capital outflows continue, India is struggling to plug its widening current account gap (6.7% of GDP last year). This has become the worst economic crisis for the nation since 1991, when India's government, faced with depleted foreign reserves, had to resort to asking the IMF for help. At the time, the country had secured a $2.2bn loan, backed by 67 tons of gold reserves. To satisfy the IMF's concerns about access to the collateral, the RBI had to airlift 47 tons of gold to be deposited offshore with the Bank of England and 20 tons of gold with UBS.


While such action is unlikely this time around, if the crisis continues to escalate, Asia's third largest economy will struggle to grow. Even though economists still do not expect a contraction, it is now a real possibility. Some weakening of the rupee may have been desirable for exporters, but losing control of the exchange rate was not what the RBI had in mind.


Source: Sober Look


About Sober Look


History of Economic Growth in India


History of Economic Growth in India


Last month, Morgan Stanly and HSBC lowered India’s economic growth forecast for fiscal years 2013 and 2014 from 5.2 to 5 percent and from 6.2 to 6 percent respectively. These numbers do not sound encouraging, but compared to a GDP growth of 4.5 percent for October-December quarter of FY2013, this news provides some encouragement for India’s economy. According to Finance Minister Chidambaram Palaniappan, India’s economy would grow 6.2-6.7 percent during FY 2014. If accurate, it would be a good economic recovery. Although it is nowhere near the double digit GDP growth India was enjoying a few years ago, the recent news of an economic turnaround is a cause for celebration, especially when U. S. and European economies are still struggling to get back to pre-recession levels.


India’s economic journey from an impoverished country to an emerging global economy is an inspiring example for many developing nations. In order to understand India’s economic voyage, it is essential to shed some light on India’s political and economic history. After 200 years of British rule, India became an independent sovereign nation in 1947. This newly born nation faced a number of issues including a shattered economy, a minimal rate of literacy and horrific poverty. It was a mission impossible for Indian leaders, but Sardar Patel, Nehru and others transformed India into a secular and democratic nation.


Early Economic Growth


To better understand India’s economic growth, its economic history should divided into two phases, the first 45 years after the independence and the last twenty years as a free market economy. During the first 45 years after independence, India’s economy was divided into two distinct segments, private and public.


The private sector owned and operated small to medium size businesses and industries protected by the government and the government took care of everything else. The government was in charge of most of the consumer services including transportation such as airlines, railroads and local transportation, communication services such as postal, telephone and telegraph, radio and television broadcasting, and social services such as education and health care.


The intention of the government was to provide these services, at a reasonable cost, as well as employment. India adopted a five-year development plan from its closest ally, the Soviet Union, in order to improve infrastructure, agricultural production, health care, and education, but the progress was extremely slow due to India’s democratic system.


Absence of Economic Policies


India’s economy and political system encountered a severe crisis during the time of Indira Gandhi and her Congress Party rule. During her administration, there was no economic progress because of a lack of attention to economic improvement. Gandhi and her Congress Party paid more attention to how to remain in power rather than solving India’s economic and social problems. In 1975, Gandhi arrested opposition leaders, imposed censorship on the press and suspended elections. During this time, economic growth stagnated and widespread corruption became the norm. Finally, bowing down to tremendous internal and external pressure, she declared a general election in 1977.


Gandhi and her Congress party lost that election. In a few years, she came back into power again and her son Rajiv Gandhi took over after her assassination, as prime minister. He remained in power until he was also killed in a bomb blast and India’s economy was completely ignored.


Collapse of the Soviet Union and the Gulf War


During the early 1990s, India’s economy began to worsen and was faced with growing inflation, unemployment and poverty and historically low foreign exchange reserve. The collapse of the Soviet Union significantly impacted Indian’s economy because the Soviets were India’s major trading partner and a key supplier of low cost oil. As a result, India had to buy oil from the free market. India was receiving a huge remittance of foreign exchange from Indians working in the Middle East, but the Gulf War sent thousands of Indian workers back home resulting in a huge dent in India’s foreign reserve.


Consequently, India’s foreign exchange reserve fell to a low of $240 million, just enough to support only two weeks of imports. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank offered help to India in exchange for economic reforms. The government ran out of options and finally, the government had to change its closed-door economic policies in 1991.


Time for Economic Reforms


Fortunately, no one from the Gandhi family was in power to make decisions for the country and Prime Minister Narasimha Rao took steps towards liberalization and privatization to reform India’s economy. Manmohan Singh, who was the finance minister at that time went forward and introduced several economic reforms. He lowered tariff levels, reformed exchange rate policy, liberalized industrial licensing policy and also relaxed India’s foreign direct investment (FDI) policy. These reforms opened the doors for multinational corporations to invest in India. India received positive responses from international investors. Before the 1991 reforms, foreign equity ownership was restricted to 40 percent and the transfer of technology was necessary to do business in India. These barriers were removed for foreign companies. Many multinational corporations (MNCs) took advantage of India’s new economic policies and increased their stakes to more than 51 percent in their subsidiaries resulting in a several fold increase in foreign direct investment in just three years.


Driving Forces Behind Economic Growth


There were three major driving forces behind India’s economic growth and prosperity after economic reforms of 1991; Increased foreign direct investment, India’s expertise in information technology and increased domestic consumption because of a growing middle class population. The combination of foreign direct investment and expertise in information technology helped produce thousands of new jobs and created a growing middle class that in turn created increased domestic consumption and that resulted, again, in more foreign direct investments to meet the demand of Indian consumers.


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India’s growing middle class is the backbone of its economy and it is expected that about half of its population will fall into the category of middle class by 2040 with a substantial amount of disposable income.


Knowledge Based Economy


The last phase of growth came from a growing information technology industry and service industry. India became a hub for information technology and a knowledge-based economy. Because of the availability of a highly talented technical workforce and improved protection of intellectual property, many western firms shifted their research and development departments to India in order to reduce their R&D cost. India was able to pick up most of the outsourcing from western countries because of the low cost. India was the major recipient of the outsourced call centers, medical billing centers and other business administration and insurance related services. India’s economy is now supported by its own expertise in information technology, larger capital market, improving infrastructure and growing middle class with increasing disposable income.


To make India’s economic growth more sustainable, India needs a second generation of reforms to speed up privatization of government owned businesses, improve financial and legal systems to protect investment and modernize its infrastructure. It is also important to introduce business friendly tax reforms, upgrade labor laws to the international level and eliminate bureaucracy to attract more international corporations with more investment.


India joined the club of trillion-dollar economies six years ago and it will undoubtedly double its size to 2 trillion dollars because of economic reforms and globalization in early 1990s, but some numbers still remain disappointing. More than 40 percent live on little more than $1.00 per day and more than 25 percent live below the national poverty line. The government should pay close attention and take the necessary steps to reduce inequalities so everyone can enjoy economic growth evenly, especially people living in rural area. The government should promote the manufacturing sector for future economic growth, in order to reduce dependency on TI and the service industry, and divert future investments to the rural areas of India to decrease urbanization and increase employment in small towns and villages.


A diversifying strategy like this would compel the government to invest more money in rural infrastructure and other basic public services, such as electricity, sanitation and clean drinking water, to support manufacturing facilities as well as people living in that vicinity. People living in rural areas are now aware of India’s economic progress and it is important to include the people who were left behind and ignored for twenty some years.


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